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October and November Jobs Data Give Mixed Picture of the Labor Market

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Because of the federal government shutdown from October 1 to November 12, the regular release by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) of its monthly “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) has been disrupted. The jobs report usually has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

Today, the BLS released a jobs report that has data from the payroll survey for both October and November, but data from the household survey only for November. Because of the government shutdown, the household survey for October wasn’t conducted.

According to the establishment survey, there was a net decrease of 105,000 nonfarm jobs in October and a net increase of 64,000 nonfarm jobs in November. The increase for November was above the increase of 40,000 that economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast.  Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast a net increase of 45,000 jobs. The BLS revised downward by a combined 33,000 jobs its previous estimates of employment in August and September. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure illustrates that, as the BLS notes in the report, nonfarm payroll employment “has shown little net change since April.” The Trump administration announced sharp increases in U.S. tariffs on April 2. Media reports indicate that some firms have slowed hiring due to the effects of the tariffs or in anticipation of those effects. In addition, a sharp decline in immigration has slowed growth in the labor force.

The unemployment rate estimate relies on data collected in the household survey, so there id no unemployment estimate for October. As shown in the following figure, the unemployment rate increased from 4.4 percent in September to 4.6 percent in November, the highest rate since September 2021. The unemployment rate is above the 4.4 percent rate economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. The unemployment rate had been remarkably stable, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month from May 2024 to July 2025, before breaking out of that range in August. The Federal Open Market Committee’s current estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. So, unemployment is now well above the natural rate. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 96,000 jobs from September to November. In the payroll survey, there was a net decrease in of 41,000 jobs from September to November. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent. In this case, we are measuring the change in jobs over a two month interval because there is no estimate from the household survey of employment in October. Over that two month period the household survey is showing more strength in the labor market than is the payroll survey. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those workers aged 25 to 54. In November the ratio was 80.6 percent, down slightly from 80.7 in September. (Again, there is no estimate for October.) The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is still above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to February 2020. The continued high levels of the prime-age employment-population ratio indicates some continuing strength in the labor market.

The Trump Administration’s layoffs of some federal government workers are clearly shown in the estimate of total federal employment for October, when many federal government employees exhausted their severance pay. (The BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.”) As the following figure shows, there was a decline federal government employment of 162,000 in October, with an additional decline of 6,000 In November. The total decline since the beginning of February 2025 is 271,000. At this point, we can say that the decline in federal employment has had a significant effect on the overall labor market and may account for some of the rise in the unemployment rate.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.5 percent in November, down from 3.7 percent in October.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In November, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 1.6 percent, down from 5.4 percent in October. This slowdown in wage growth may be an indication of a weakening labor market. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

What effect might today’s jobs report have on the decisions of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with respect to setting its target range for the federal funds rate?  Today’s jobs report provides a mixed take on the state of the labor market with very slow job growth—although the large decline in federal employment is a confounding factor—a continued high employment-population ratio for prime age workers, and slowing wage growth.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) This morning, investors assigned a 75.6 percent probability to the committee leaving its target range unchanged at 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its next meeting on January 27–28. That probability is unchanged from the probability yesterday before the release of the jobs report. Investors apparently don’t see today’s report as providing much new information on the current state of the economy.

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Three Dissents as the FOMC Cuts Its Target for the Federal Funds Rate

Photo from federalreserve.gov

Today’s meeting of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) had the expected result with the committee deciding to lower its target for the federal funds rate from a range of 3.75 percent to 4.00 percent to a range of 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent—a cut of 25 basis points. The members of the committee voted 9 to 3 in favor of the cut. Fed Governor Stephen Miran voted against the action, preferring to lower the target range for the federal funds rate by 50 basis points. President Austan Goolsbee of the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago and President Jeffrey Schmid of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City also voted against the action, preferring to leave the target range unchanged.

The following figure shows for the period since January 2010, the upper bound (the blue line) and the lower bound (the green line) for the FOMC’s target range for the federal funds rate, as well as the actual values for the federal funds rate (the red line). Note that the Fed has been successful in keeping the value of the federal funds rate in its target range. (We discuss the monetary policy tools the FOMC uses to maintain the federal funds rate within its target range in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.2 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.2).)

After the meeting, the committee also released a “Summary of Economic Projections” (SEP)—as it typically does after its March, June, September, and December meetings. The SEP presents median values of the 19 committee members’ forecasts of key economic variables. The values are summarized in the following table, reproduced from the release. (Note that only 5 of the district bank presidents vote at FOMC meetings, although all 12 presidents participate in the discussions and prepare forecasts for the SEP.)

There are several aspects of these forecasts worth noting:

  1. Compared with September, the committee members increased their forecasts of real GDP growth for each year from 2025 through 2027. The increase for 2026 was substantial, from 1.8 percent to 2.3 percent, although some of this increase was attributable to the federal government shutdown causing some economic output to be shifted from 2025 to 2026. Committee members slightly decreased their forecasts of the unemployment rate in 2027. They left their forecast of the unemployment rate in the fourth quarter of 2025 unchanged at 4.5 percent.
  2. Committee members reduced their forecasts for personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price inflation for 2025 and 2026. Similarly, their forecasts of core PCE inflation for 2025 and 2026 were also reduced. The committee does not expect that PCE inflation will decline to the Fed’s 2.0 percent annual target until 2028.
  3. The committee’s forecasts of the federal funds rate at the end of each year from 2025 through 2028 were unchanged.

Prior to the meeting there was much discussion in the business press and among investment analysts about the dot plot, shown below. Each dot in the plot represents the projection of an individual committee member. (The committee doesn’t disclose which member is associated with which dot.) Note that there are 19 dots, representing the 7 members of the Fed’s Board of Governors and all 12 presidents of the Fed’s district banks. 

The plots on the far left of the figure represent the projections by the 19 members of the value of the federal funds rate at the end of 2025. The fact that several members of the committee preferred that the federal funds rate end 2025 above 4 percent—in other words higher than it will be following the vote at today’s meeting—indicates that several non-voting district bank presidents, beyond Goolsbee and Schmid, would have preferred to not cut the target range. The plots on the far right of the figure indicate that there is substantial disagreement among comittee members as to what the long-run value of the federal funds rate—the so-called neutral rate—should be.

During his press conference following the meeting, Powell indicated that the increase in inflation in recent months was largely due to the effects of the increase in tariffs on goods prices. Powell indicated that committee members expect that the tariff increases will cause a one-time increase in the price level, rather than causing a long-term increase in the inflation rate. Powell also noted the recent slow growth in employment, which he noted might actually be negative once the Bureau of Labor Statistics revises the data for recent months. This slow growth indicated that the risk of unemployment increasing was greater than the risk of inflation increasing. As a result, he said that the “balance of risks” caused the committee to believe that cutting the target for the federal funds rate was warranted to avoid the possibility of a significant rise in the unemployment rate. 

The next FOMC meeting is on January 27–28. By that time a significant amount of new macroeconomic data, which has not been available because of the government shutdown, will have been released. It also seems likely that President Trump will have named the person he intends to nominate to succeed Powell as Fed chair when Powell’s term ends on May 15, 2026. (Powel’s term on the Board doesn’t end until January 31, 2028, although he declined at the press conference to say whether he will serve out the remainder of his term on the Board after he steps down as chair.) In addition, it’s possible that by the time of the next meeting the Supreme Court will have ruled on whether President Trump can legally remove Governor Lisa Cook from the Board and on whether President Trump’s tariff increases this year are Constitutional.

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PCE Inflation Increases Slightly in September

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Today (December 5), the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released monthly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index for September as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. Release of the report was delayed by the federal government shutdown.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. In September, headline PCE inflation was 2.8 percent, up slightly from 2.7 percent in August. Core PCE inflation in September was also 2.8 percent, down slightly from 2.9 percent in August. Both headline and core PCE inflation were equal to the forecast of economists surveyed.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month inflation, while the figure below shows 1-month inflation.) Measured this way, headline PCE inflation increased from 3.1 percent in August to 3.3 percent in September. Core PCE inflation declined from 2.7 percent in August to 2.4 percent in September. So, both 1-month and 12-month PCE inflation are telling the same story of inflation somewhat above the Fed’s target. The usual caution applies that 1-month inflation figures are volatile (as can be seen in the figure). In addition, these data are for September and likely don’t fully reflect the situation nearly two months later.

Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently mentioned that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices fall, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also fall. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)

Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in September, up from 2.4 percent in August. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in September, unchanged from August. So, both market-based measures show inflation as stable but above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. One-month headline market-based inflation increase sharply to 3.7 percent in September from 2.6 percent in August. One-month core market-based inflation increased to 2.7 percent in September from 2.0 percent in August. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate.

Data on real personal consumption expenditures were also included in this report. The following figure shows compound annual rates of growth of real real personal consumptions expenditures for each month since January 2023. Measured this way, the growth in real personal consumptions expenditures slowed sharply in September to 0.5 percent from 3.0 percent in August.

Does the slowing in consumptions spending indicate that real GDP may have also grown slowly in the third quarter of 2025? Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta prepare nowcasts of real GDP. A nowcast is a forecast that incorporates all the information available on a certain date about the components of spending that are included in GDP. The Atlanta Fed calls its nowcast GDPNow. As the following figure from the Atlanta Fed website shows, today the GDPNow forecast—taking into account today’s data on real personal consumption expenditures—is  for real GDP to grow at an annual rate of 3.5 percent in the third quarter, which reflects continuing strong growth in other measures of output.

In a number of earlier blog posts, we discussed the policy dilemma facing the Fed. Despite the Atlanta Fed’s robust estimate of real GDP growth, there are some indications that the labor market may be weakening. For instance, earlier this week ADP estimated that private sector employment declined by 32,000 jobs in November. (We discuss ADP’s job estimates in this blog post.) As the Fed’s policy-making Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) prepares for its next meeting on December 9–10, it has to balance guarding against a potential decline in employment with concern that inflation has not yet returned to the Fed’s 2 percent annual target.

If the committee decides that inflation is the larger concern, it is likely to leave its target range for the federal funds rate unchanged. If it decides that weakness in the labor market is the larger concern, it is likely to reduce it target range by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points). Statements by FOMC members indicate that opinion on the committee is divided. In addition, the Trump administration has brought pressure on the committee to cut its target rate.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) Investors’ expectations have been unusually volatile during the past two months as new macroeconomic data or new remarks by FOMC members have caused swings in the probability that investors assign to the committee cutting the target range.

As of this afternoon, investors assigned a 87.2 percent probability to the committee cutting its target range for the federal funds rate by 25 basis points to 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its December meeting. At the December meeting the committee will also release its Summary of Economic Projections (SEP) giving members forecasts of future values of the inflation rate, the unemployment rate, the federal funds rate, and the growth rate of real GDP. The SEP, along with Fed Chair Powell’s remarks at his press conference following the meeting, should provide additional information on the monetary policy path the committee intends to follow in the coming months.

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Is the Price of a Thanksgiving Dinner Higher this Year? It Depends on What Side Dishes You Serve.

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A perennial media story this time of year looks at whether a Thanksgiving turkey dinner costs more or less than last year. Not too surprisingly, the answer depends on what side dishes you serve with the turkey. Deloitte provides tax, consulting, and other services to businesses. Their calculation of the cost of a Thanksgiving dinner over the past three years can be found here.

The following image shows the food that they include in their cost calculation. For that particular Thanksgiving dinner, the cost is slightly higher than in 2024, although slightly lower than in 2023.

Image from deloitte.com

The following image from the American Farm Bureau Federation, a lobbying organization for U.S. farmers, shows the food they include in their calculation of the cost of a Thanksgiving dinner.

Image from fb.org

For a Thanksgiving dinner with those side dishes, the price is about 5 percent lower this year than last year.

Image from fb.org

Note that the two estimates differ in the cost of the turkey. It’s not clear whether the difference is due to the size of the turkey or to differences in the price of the turkey. Related point: The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) stopped collecting data on retail turkey prices in February 2020, at the start of the pandemic, and never resumed collecting them. Here’s the link to the BLS retail turkey price series on FRED. The series begins in January 1980 and ends in February 2020.

Justin Fox, in a column on bloomberg.com, notes that demand for turkey has been declining in recent years. The following figure uses data on turkey consumption per capita from the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

Turkey consumption peaked at 18.2 pounds per person in 1996 and has fallen to an estimated 13.1 pounds per person in 2025—a decline of about 28 percent. Is this decline an indication that people have moved away from eating turkey for Thanksgiving? Fox argues that it likely doesn’t. Note the rapid rise of turkey consumption between 1980 and 1990. Fox believes the surge in consumption was due to “both chicken and turkey [consumption increasing] as health concerns led many Americans to shun red meat starting in the late 1970s ….” In recent years, though, “red-meat consumption has steadied … chicken consumption has continued to rise, and turkey is losing out. Maybe people just don’t like how it tastes.” Glenn and Tony agree that, alas, turkey is often dry—although, admittedly, skilled cooks claim that it isn’t dry when prepared properly.

So, turkey may be holding its own at the heart of Thanksgiving dinners, but seems to be struggling to get on the menu during the rest of the year.

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When John Williams Speaks … Investors Listen

Photo of Federal Reserve Bank of New York President John Williams from newyorkfed.org

Many economists consider the three most influential people at the Federal Reserve to be the chair of the Board of Governors, the vice-chair of the Board of Governors, and the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. The influence of the New York Fed president is attributable in part to being the only president of a District Bank to be a voting member of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) every year and to the New York Fed being the location of the Open Market Desk, which is charged with implementing monetary policy. The Open Market Desk undertakes open market operations—buying and selling Treasury securities—and conducts repurchase agreements (repos) and reverse repurchase agreements (reverse repos) with the aim of keeping the federal funds rate within the target range specified by the FOMC. (We discuss the mechanics of how monetary policy is conducted in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Economics, Chapter 25, and Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 15.)

John Williams has served as president of the New York Fed since 2018. Given his important role in the formulation and execution of monetary policy, investors pay close attention to his speeches and other public remarks looking for clues about the likely future path of monetary policy. As we noted yesterday in a post discussing the latest jobs report, Fed watchers were uncertain as to whether the FOMC would cut its target for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on December 9–10.

Yesterday morning, investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts assigned a probability of 39.6 percent to the FOMC cutting its target range for the federal funds rate by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) from 3.75 percent to 4.00 to 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent. Today in a speech delivered at the Central Bank of Chile, John Williams stated that:”I still see room for a further adjustment in the near term to the target range for the federal funds rate to move the stance of policy closer to the range of neutral, thereby maintaining the balance between the achievement of our two goals” of maximum employment and price stability.

Investors interpreted this statement as indicating that Williams would support cutting the target range for the federal funds rate at the December FOMC meeting. Given his position on the committee, it seemed unlikely that Williams would have publicly supported a rate cut unless he believed that a majority of the committee would also support it. As the following figure shows, after the text of Williams’s speech was released this morning, investors in the federal funds futures market increased the probability they assigned to a rate cut to 69.4 percent. That movement in the federal funds futures market was a recognition of the important role the president of the New York Fed plays in formulating monetary policy.

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Congratulations to Pace University for Winning the 2025 College Fed Challenge

Photo from federalreserve.gov of the Pace University Fed Challenge team and their faculty advisers

Each year the Federal Reserve sponsors a competition among college student teams. As desribed on the Fed’s website, in the competition “Teams analyze economic and financial conditions and formulate a monetary policy recommendation, modeling the Federal Open Market Committee.” 

This year’s winner is Pace University, representing the New York Federal Reserve District. Harvard College took second place and the University of California, Los Angeles took third place. The University of Pennsylvania, the University of Chicago, and Davidson College received honorable mentions. In 2024, the competition was won by the team from Princeton University, representing the Philadelphia Federal Reserve District.

This year, 139 colleges in 36 states participated in the competition. The rules of the competition are described here. After the competition, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell noted that: “Fed Challenge offers undergraduate students an opportunity to learn firsthand about monetary policy and the work of the Federal Reserve. I thank these students for the dedication, creativity, and analytical skills they demonstrated as they grappled with real-world economic challenges.”

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Surprisingly Strong September Jobs Report

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If not for the shutdown of the federal government, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) would have already released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for September and October by now. The September jobs report was released today based largely on data collected before the shutdown.

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

Because the household survey wasn’t conducted in October, the data in the October report that relies on the household survey won’t be included when the BLS releases establishment employment data for October on December 16. The data for September released today showed the labor market was stronger than expected in that month.

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of 119,00 nonfarm jobs during September. This increase was well above the increase of 50,000 that economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast.  Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had also forecast a net increase of 50,000 jobs. The relatively large increase in employment in September was partially offset by the BLS revising downward by a combined 33,000 jobs its previous estimates of employment in July and August. The estimate for August was revised from a net gain of 22,000 to a net loss of 4,000. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure makes clear the striking deceleration in job growth beginning in May. The Trump administration announced sharp increases in U.S. tariffs on April 2. Media reports indicate that some firms have slowed hiring due to the effects of the tariffs or in anticipation of those effects.

As shown in the following figure, the unemployment rate increased from 4.3 percent in August to 4.4 percent in September, the highest rate since October 2021. The unemployment rate is above the 4.3 percent rate economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. The unemployment rate had been remarkably stable, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month from May 2024 to July 2025, before breaking out of that range in August. In September, the members of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) forecast that the unemployment rate during the fourth quarter of 2025 would average 4.5 percent. The FOMC’s current estimate of the natural rate of unemployment—the normal rate of unemployment over the long run—is 4.2 percent. (We discuss the natural rate of unemployment in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 and Economics, Chapter 19.)

Each month, the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta estimates how many net new jobs are required to keep the unemployment rate stable. Given slower growth in the working-age population due to the aging of the U.S. population and a sharp decline in immigration, the Atlanta Fed currently estimates that the economy would have to create 111,878 net new jobs each month to keep the unemployment rate stable at 4.4 percent. If this estimate is accurate, if the average monthly net job increase from May through September of 38,600 were to continue, the result would be a rising unemployment rate.

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 251,000 jobs in September, following a net increase of 288,000 jobs in August. As an indication of the volatility in the employment changes in the household survey note the very large swings in net new jobs in January and February. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent. as was the case in September with employment increasing much more in the household survey than in the employment survey. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those aged 25 to 54. In September the ratio was 80.7 percent, the same as in August. The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is still above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to February 2020. The continued high levels of the prime-age employment-population ratio indicates strength in the labor market.

It is still unclear how many federal workers have been laid off since the Trump Administration took office. The establishment survey shows a decline in federal government employment of 3,000 in September and a total decline of 97,000 since the beginning of February 2025. However, the BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.” It’s possible that as more federal employees end their period of receiving severance pay, future jobs reports may report a larger decline in federal employment. To this point, the decline in federal employment has had only a small effect on the overall labor market.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.8 percent in September, the same as in August.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In September, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 3.0 percent, down from 5.1 percent in August. This slowdown in wage growth may be an indication of a weakening labor market. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

What effect might today’s jobs report have on the decisions of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with respect to setting its target range for the federal funds rate? The minutes from the FOMC’s last meeting on October 28–29 indicate that committee members had “strongly differing views” over whether to cut the target range by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) at its next meeting on December 9–10 or to leave the target range unchanged.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) A month ago, investors assigned a 98.8 percent probability of the committee cutting its target range to 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its December meeting. Since that time indications have increased that output and employment growth have continued to be relatively strong and that inflation is stuck above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target. This morning, as the following figure shows, investors assign a probability of 60. 4 percent to the committee keeping its target unchanged at 3.75 percent to 4.00 percent at the December meeting. Committee members will also release their Summary of Economic Projections (SEP) at that meeting. The SEP, along with Fed Chair Powell’s remarks at his press conference following the meeting, should provide additional information on the monetary policy path the committee intends to follow in the coming months.



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Is the iPhone Air Apple’s “New Coke”?

Image created by GPT

Most large firms selling consumer goods continually evaluate which new products they should introduce. Managers of these firms are aware that if they fail to fill a market niche, their competitors or a new firm may develop a product to fill the niche. Similarly, firms search for ways to improve their existing products.

For example, Ferrara Candy, had introduced Nerds in 1983. Although Nerds experienced steady sales over the following years, company managers decided to devote resources to improving the brand. In 2020, they introduced Nerds Gummy Clusters, which an article in the Wall Street Journal describes as being “crunchy outside and gummy inside.” Over five years, sales of Nerds increased from $50 millions to $500 million. Although the company’s market research “suggested that Nerds Gummy Clusters would be a dud … executives at Ferrara Candy went with their guts—and the product became a smash.”

Image of Nerds Gummy Clusters from nerdscandy.com

Firms differ on the extent to which they rely on market research—such as focus groups or polls of consumers—when introducing a new product or overhauling an existing product. Henry Ford became the richest man in the United States by introducing the Model T, the first low-priced and reliable mass-produced automobile. But Ford once remarked that if before introducing the Model T he had asked people the best way to improve transportation they would probably have told him to develop a faster horse.  (Note that there’s a debate as to whether Ford ever actually made this observation.) Apple co-founder Steve Jobs took a similar view, once remaking in an interview that “it’s really hard to design products by focus groups. A lot of times, people don’t know what they want until you show it to them.” In another interview, Jobs stated: “We do no market research. We don’t hire consultants.”

Unsurprisingly, not all new products large firms introduce are successful—whether the products were developed as a result of market research or relied on the hunches of a company’s managers. To take two famous examples, consider the products shown in image at the beginning of this post—“New Coke” and the Ford Edsel.

Pepsi and Coke have been in an intense rivalry for decades. In the 1980s, Pepsi began to gain market share at Coke’s expense as a result of television commercials showcasing the “Pepsi Challenge.” The Pepsi Challenge had consumers choose from colas in two unlabeled cups. Consumers overwhelming chose the cup containing Pepsi. Coke’s management came to believe that Pepsi was winning the blind taste tests because Pepsi was sweeter than Coke and consumers tend to favor sweeter colas. In 1985, Coke’s managers decided to replace the existing Coke formula—which had been largely unchanged for almost 100 years—with New Coke, which had a sweeter taste. Unfortunately for Coke’s managers, consumers’ reaction to New Coke was strongly negative. Less than three months later, the company reintroduced the original Coke, now labeled “Coke Classic.” Although Coke produced both versions of the cola for a number of years, eventually they stopped selling New Coke.

Through the 1920s, the Ford Motor Company produced only two car models—the low-priced Model T and the high-priced Lincoln. That strategy left an opening for General Motors during the 1920s to introduce a variety of car models at a number of price levels. Ford scrambled during the 1930s and after the end of World War II in 1945 to add new models that would compete directly with some of GM’s models. After a major investment in new capacity and an elaborate marketing campaign, Ford introduced the Edsel in September 1957 to compete against GM’s mid-priced models: Pontiac, Oldsmobile, and Buick.

Unfortunately, the Edsel was introduced during a sharp, although relatively short, economic recession. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 13 (Economics, Chapter 23), consumers typically cut back on purchases of consumer durables like automobiles during a recession. In addition, the Edsel suffered from reliability problems and many consumers disliked the unusual design, particularly of the front of the car. Consumers were also puzzled by the name Edsel. Ford CEO Henry Ford II was the grandson of Henry Ford and the son of Edsel Ford, who had died in 1943. Henry Ford II named in the car in honor of his father but the unusual name didn’t appeal to consumers. Ford ceased production of the car in November 1959 after losing $250 million, which was one of the largest losses in business history to that point. The name “Edsel” has lived on as a synonym for a disastrous product launch.

Screenshot

Image of iPhone Air from apple.com

Apple earns about half of its revenue and more than half of its profit from iPhone sales. Making sure that it is able to match or exceed the smartphone features offered by competitors is a top priority for CEO Tim Cook and other Apple managers. Because Apple’s iPhones are higher-priced than many other smartphones, Apple has tried various approaches to competing in the market for lower-priced smartphones.

In 2013, Apple was successful in introducing the iPad Air, a thinner, lower-priced version of its popular iPad. Apple introduced the iPhone Air in September 2025, hoping to duplicate the success of the iPad Air. The iPhone Air has a titanium frame and is lighter than the regular iPhone model. The Air is also thinner, which means that its camera, speaker, and its battery are all a step down from the regular iPhone 17 model. In addition, while the iPhone Air’s price is $100 lower than the iPhone 17 Pro, it’s $200 higher than the base model iPhone 17.

Unlike with the iPad Air, Apple doesn’t seem to have aimed the iPhone Air at consumers looking for a lower-priced alternative. Instead, Apple appears to have targeted consumers who value a thinner, lighter phone that appears more stylish, because of its titanium frame, and who are willing to sacrifice some camera and sound quality, as well as battery life. An article in the Wall Street Journal declared that: “The Air is the company’s most innovative smartphone design since the iPhone X in 2017.”  As it has turned out, there are apparently fewer consumers who value this mix of features in a smartphone than Apple had expected.

Sales were sufficiently disappointing that within a month of its introduction, Apple ordered suppliers to cut back production of iPhone Air components by more than 80 percent. Apple was expected to produce 1 million fewer iPhone Airs during 2025 than the company had initially planned. An article in the Wall Street Journal labeled the iPhone Air “a marketing win and a sales flop.” According to a survey by the KeyBanc investment firm there was “virtually no demand for [the] iPhone Air.”

Was Apple having its New Coke moment? There seems little doubt that the iPhone Air has been a very disappointing new product launch. But its very slow sales haven’t inflicted nearly the damage that New Coke caused Coca-Cola or that the Edsel caused Ford. A particularly damaging aspect of New Coke was that was meant as a replacement for the existing Coke, which was being pulled from production. The result was a larger decline in sales than if New Coke had been offered for sale alongside the existing Coke. Similarly, Ford set up a whole new division of the company to produce and sell the Edsel. When Edsel production had to be stopped after only two years, the losses were much greater than they would have been if Edsel production hadn’t been planned to be such a large fraction of Ford’s total production of automobiles.

Although very slow iPhone Air sales have caused Apple to incur losses on the model, the Air was meant to be one of several iPhone models and not the only iPhone model. Clearly investors don’t believe that problems with the Air will matter much to Apple’s profits in the long run. The following graphic from the Wall Street Journal shows that Apple’s stock price has kept rising even after news of serious problems with Air sales became public in late October.


So, while the iPhone Air will likely go down as a failed product launch, it won’t achieve the legendary status of New Coke or the Edsel.

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Solved Problem: Using the Demand and Supply Model to Analyze the Effects of a Tariff on Televisions

Supports: Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Economics, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 4, Section 4.4

Image generated by ChapGPT

The model of demand and supply is useful in analyzing the effects of tariffs. In Chapter 9, Section 9.4 (Macroeconomics, Chapter 7, Section 7.4) we analyze the situation—for instance, the market for sugar—when U.S. demand is a small fraction of total world demand and when the U.S. both produces the good and imports it.

In this problem, we look at the television market and assume that no domestic firms make televisions. (A few U.S. firms assemble limited numbers of televisions from imported components.) As a result, the supply of televisions consists entirely of imports. Beginning in April, the Trump administration increased tariff rates on imports of televisions from Japan, South Korea, China, and other countries. Tariffs are effectively a tax on imports, so we can use the analysis in Chapter 4, Section 4.4, “The Economic Effect of Taxes” to analyze the effect of tariffs on the market for televisions.  

  1. Use a demand and supply graph to illustrate the effect of an increased tariff on imported televisions on the market for televisions in the United States. Be sure that your graph shows any shifts of the curves and the equilibrium price and quantity of televisions before and after the tariff increase.
  2. An article in the Wall Street Journal discussed the effect of tariffs on the market for used goods. Use a second demand and supply graph to show the effect of a tariff on imports of new televisions on the market in the United States for used televisions. Assume that no used televisions are imported and that the supply curve for used televisions is upward sloping.

Solving the Problem
Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the effect of a tariff on an imported good on the domestic market for the good. Because a tariff is a like a tax, you may want to review Chapter 4, Section 4.4, “The Economic Effect of Taxes.”

Step 2: Answer part a. by drawing a demand and supply graph of the market for televisions in the United States that illustrates the effect of an increased tariff on imported televisions.  The following figure shows that a tariff causes the supply curve of televisions to shift up from S1 to S2. As a result, the equilibrium price increases from P1 to P2, while the equilibrium quantity falls from Q1 to Q2.

Step 2: Answer part b. by drawing a demand and supply graph of the market for used televisions in the United States that illustrates the effect on that market of an increased tariff on imports of new televisions. Although the tariff on imported televisions doesn’t directly affect the market for used televisions, it does so indirectly. As the article from the Wall Street Journal notes, “Today, in the tariff era, demand for used goods is surging.” Because used televisions are substitutes for new televisions, we would expect that an increase in the price of new televisions would cause the demand curve for used televisions to shift to the right, as shown in the following figure. The result will be that the equilibrium price of used televisions will increase from P1 to P2, while the equilibrium quantity of used televisions will increase from Q1 to Q2.

To summarize: A tariff on imports of new televisions increases the price of both new and used televisions. It decreases the quantity of new televisions sold but increases the quantity of used televisions sold.

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NEW! 11-07-25- Podcast – Authors Glenn Hubbard & Tony O’Brien discuss Tariffs, AI, and the Economy

Glenn Hubbard and Tony O’Brien begin by examining the challenges facing the Federal Reserve due to incomplete economic data, a result of federal agency shutdowns. Despite limited information, they note that growth remains steady but inflation is above target, creating a conundrum for policymakers. The discussion turns to the upcoming appointment of a new Fed chair and the broader questions of central bank independence and the evolving role of monetary policy. They also address the uncertainty surrounding AI-driven layoffs, referencing contrasting academic views on whether artificial intelligence will complement existing jobs or lead to significant displacement. Both agree that the full impact of AI on productivity and employment will take time to materialize, drawing parallels to the slow adoption of the internet in the 1990s.

The podcast further explores the recent volatility in stock prices of AI-related firms, comparing the current environment to the dot-com bubble and questioning the sustainability of high valuations. Hubbard and O’Brien discuss the effects of tariffs, noting that price increases have been less dramatic than expected due to factors like inventory buffers and contractual delays. They highlight the tension between tariffs as tools for protection and revenue, and the broader implications for manufacturing, agriculture, and consumer prices. The episode concludes with reflections on the importance of ongoing observation and analysis as these economic trends evolve.

https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/soundcloud%253Atracks%253A2208512723&color=%23ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false&show_teaser=true&visual=true

Pearson Economics · Hubbard OBrien Economics Podcast – 11-06-25 – Economy, AI, & Tariffs

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Older People Have Become Relatively Wealthier While Younger People Have Become Relatively Less Wealthy

Image created by ChatGPT

There has been an ongoing debate about whether Millennials and people in Generation Z are better off or worse off economically than are Baby Boomers. Edward Wolff of New York University recently published a National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) working paper that focuses on one aspect of this debate—how the wealth of households headed by someone 75 years and older changed relative to the wealth of households headed by someone 35 years and younger during the period from 1983 to 2022.  

Wolff uses data from the Federal Reserve’s Survey of Consumer Finances to measure the wealth, or net worth, of people in these age groups—the market value of their financial assets minus the market value of their financial liabilities. He includes in his measure of assets the market value of people’s real estate holdings—including their homes—stocks and bonds, bank deposits, contributions to defined contribution pension funds, unincorporated businesses, and trust funds. He includes in his measure of liabilities people’s mortgage debt, consumer debt—including credit card balances—and other debt, such as educational loans.  Because Wolff wants to focus on that part of wealth that is available to be spent on consumption, he refers to it as financial resources, and he excludes from his wealth measure the present value of future Social Security payments and the present value of future defined contribution pension benefits.

The following figure from Wolff’s paper shows that, using his definition, both median and mean wealth have increased substantially from 1987 to 2o22. Note that both measures of average wealth declined during the Great Recession and Global Financial Crisis of 2007–2009. Median wealth declined by nearly 44 percent between 2007 and 2010. That median wealth grew much faster than mean wealth over the whole period indicates that wealth inequality.

Although the average wealth of all age groups increased over this period, the relative wealth of households 75 years and older rose and the relative wealth of households 35 years and younger fell. The following figure from the NBER Digest illustrates this shift. The 75 and over age group increased its mean net worth from 5 percent greater than the mean net worth of the average household in 1983 to 55 percent of the mean net worth of the average household in 2022. In contrast, the 35 and under age group saw its mean new worth relative to the average household fall from 21 percent in 1983 to 16 percent in 2022. Note, though, that there is significant volatility over time in the relative wealth shares of the two age groups.

What explains the relative increase in wealth among households 75 and over and the relative decrease in wealth among households 35 and under? Wolff identifies three key factors:

“[T]he homeownership rate, total stocks directly and indirectly owned, and home mortgage debt. The homeownership rate is the same in the two years for the youngest group but falls relative to the overall rate, whereas it shoots up for the oldest group both in actual level and relative to the overall average. The value of stock holdings rises for both age groups but vastly more for the oldest households compared to the youngest ones and accounts for a substantial portion of the elderly’s relative wealth gains. Mortgage debt rises in dollar terms for both groups but considerably more in relative terms for the youngest group.”

Perhaps surprisingly, Wolff finds that “despite dire press reports, educational loans fail to appear as a significant factor” in explaining the decline in the relative wealth of younger households. 

 

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FOMC Meeting Results in Expected Rate Cut

Photo of Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell from federalreserve.gov

Today’s meeting of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) occurred against a backdrop of a shutdown of the federal government that has delayed release of most government economic data. (We discuss the government shutdown here, here, and here.)

As most observers had expected, the committee decided today to lower its target for the federal funds rate from a range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent to a range of 3.75 percent to 4.oo percent—a cut of 0.25 percentage point, or 25 basis points. The members of the committee voted 10 to 2 for the 25 basis point cut with Governor Stephen Miran dissenting because he preferred a 50 basis point cut and Jeffrey Schmid, president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, dissenting because he preferred that the target range be left unchanged at this meeting.

The following figure shows, for the period since January 2010, the upper bound (the blue line) and the lower bound (the green line) for the FOMC’s target range for the federal funds rate, as well as the actual values of the federal funds rate (the red line). Note that the Fed has been successful in keeping the value of the federal funds rate in its target range. (We discuss the monetary policy tools the FOMC uses to maintain the federal funds rate in its target range in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.2 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.2).)

During his press conference following the meeting, Fed Chair Jerome Powell made news by stating that a further cut in the target rate at the FOMC’s meeting on December 9–10 is not a foregone conclusion. This statement came as a surprise to investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.)  As of yesterday, investors has assigned a probability of 90.5 percent to the committee cutting its target range by another 25 basis points at the December meeting. Today that probability dropped to zero. Instead investors now assign a probability of 67.8 percent to the target remaining unchanged at that meeting, and a probability of 32.2 percent of the committee raising its target by 25 basis points.

Powell also indicated that he believes that the recent increase in inflation was largely due to the effects of the increase in tariff rates that the Trump administration began implementing in April. (We discuss the recent data on inflation in this post.) Powell indicated that committee members expect that the tariff increases will cause a one-time increase in the price level, rather than a long-term increase in the inflation rate. As a result, he said that the shift in the “balance of risks” caused the committee to believe that cutting the target for the federal funds rate was warranted to avoid the possibility of a significant rise in the unemployment rate.

In discussing inflation, Powell highlighted three aspects of the recent CPI report: inflation in goods, inflation in shelter, and inflation in services not including shelter. (The BLS explains is measurement of shelter here.) The following figure shows inflation in each of those categories, measured as the percentage increase from the same month in the previous year. Inflation in goods (the blue line) has been trending up, reflecting the effect of increased tariffs rates. Inlation in shelter (the red line) and in services minus shelter (the green line) have generally been trending downward. Powell noted that the decline in inflation in shelter has been slower than most members of the committee had expected.

Still, Powell argued that with the downward trend in services, once the temporary inflation in goods due to the effects of tariffs had passed through the economy, inflation was likely to be close the Fed’s 2 percent annual target. He thought this was particularly likely to be true because even after today’s cut, the federal funds rate was “restrictive” because it remained above its long-run nominal and real values. A restrictive monetary policy will slow spending and inflation.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rates—that is, the annual inflation rates calculated by compounding the current month’s rates over an entire year—for the same three categories. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, goods inflation (the blue line) was running at a very high 6.6 percent in September. inflation in shelter (the red line) had declined to 2.5 per cent in September. Inflation in services minus shelter rose slightly in September to 2.1 percent.

Assuming that the shutdown of the federal government ends within the next few weeks, members of the FOMC will have a great deal of data on inflation, real GDP growth, and employment to consider before their next meeting in December.

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Who Will President Trump Nominate to Be Fed Chair?

Kevin Hassett, director of the National Economic Council (photo from the AP via the Wall Street Journal)

Jerome Powell’s second term as chair of the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governor ends on May 15,2026. (Although his term as a member of the Board of Governors doesn’t end until January 31, 2028, Fed chairs have typically resigned their seats on the Board at the time that their term as chair ends.) President Trump has been clear that he won’t renominate Powell to a third term. Who will he nominate?

Polymarket is a site on which people can bet on political outcomes, including who President Trump will choose to nominate as Fed chair. The different amounts wagered on each candidate determine the probabilities bettors assign to that candidate being nominated. The following table shows each candidate with a probability of least 1 percent of being nominated as of 5 pm eastern time on October 27.

Kevin Hassett, who is currently the director of the National Economic Council, has the highest probability at 36 percent. Fed Governor Christopher Waller, who was nominated to the Board by President Trump in 2020, is second with a 23 percent probability. Kevin Warsh, who served on the Board from 2006 to 2011, and was important in formulating monetary policy during the financial crisis of 2007–2009, is third with a probability of 16 percent. Rick Reider, an executive at the investment company Black Rock, is unusual among the candidates in not having served in government. Bettors on Polymarket assign him a 10 percent probability of being nominated. Stephen Miran and Michelle Bowman are current members of the Board who were nominated by President Trump.

Scott Bessent is the current Treasury secretary and has indicated that he doesn’t wish to be nominated. James Bullard served as president of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis from 2008 to 2023. David Zervos is an executive at the Jeffries investment bank and in 2009 served as an adviser to the Board of Governors. Lorie Logan is president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas and Philip Jefferson is currently vice chair of the Board of Governors.

Today, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent indicated that the list of candidates had been reduced to five—although bettors on Polymarket indicate that they believe these five are likely to be the first five candidates listed in the chart above, it appears that Bowman, rather than Miran, is the fifth candidate on Bessent’s lists. Bessent indicated that President Trump will likely make a decision on who he will nominate by the end of the year.

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CPI Inflation for September Slightly Below Forecasts but Still Above Target

Image generated by ChatGPT

As we’ve noted in recent blog posts (here and here), the shutdown of the federal government has interrupted the release of government data, including the “Employment Situation” report prepared monthly by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). The federal government made an exception for the BLS report on the consumer price index (CPI) because annual cost-of-living increases in Social Security payments are determined by the average inflation rate in the CPI during July, August, and September.

Accordingly, today (October 24), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for September. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 3.0 percent in September, up from 2.9 percent in August. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was also 3.0 percent in September, down slightly from 3.1 percent in August. 

Headline inflation and core inflation were both slightly lower than the 3.1 rate for both measures that economists had expected.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rates for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) declined from the very high rate of 4.7 percent in August to the still high rate of 3.8 percent in September. Core inflation (the red line) declined from 4.2 percent in August to 2.8 percent in September.

The 1-month and 12-month inflation rates are both indicating that inflation remains well above the Fed’s 2 percent annual inflation target in September. Core inflation—which is often a good indicator of future inflation—in particular has been running well above target during the last three months. 

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

Does the increase in inflation represent the effects of the increases in tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2? (Note that many of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced.) The following figure shows 12-month inflation in durable goods—such as furniture, appliances, and cars—which are likely to be affected directly by tariffs, all core goods, and core services. Services are less likely to be affected by tariffs.. To make recent changes clearer, we look only at the months since January 2022. In August, inflation in durable goods declined slightly to 1.8 percent in September from 1.9 percent in August. Inflation in core goods was unchanged in September at 1.5 percent. Inflation in core services fell slightly in September to 3.5 percent from 3.6 percent in August.

The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the prices of these products, which may makes clearer the effects of the tariff increases. In September, durable goods inflation was a high 4.0 percent, although down from 5.1 percent in August. Core goods inflation in September was 2.7 percent, down from 3.4 percent in August. Core service inflation was 2.9 percent in August, down from 4.3 percent in August.

To better estimate the underlying trend in inflation, some economists look at median inflation and trimmed mean inflation.

  • Median inflation is calculated by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland and Ohio State University. If we listed the inflation rate in each individual good or service in the CPI, median inflation is the inflation rate of the good or service that is in the middle of the list—that is, the inflation rate in the price of the good or service that has an equal number of higher and lower inflation rates. 
  • Trimmed-mean inflation drops the 8 percent of goods and services with the highest inflation rates and the 8 percent of goods and services with the lowest inflation rates. 

The following figure shows that 12-month trimmed-mean inflation (the blue line) was 3.2 percent in September, down slightly from 3.3 August. Twelve-month median inflation (the red line) 3.5 percent in September, down slightly from 3.6 in August.

The following figure shows 1-month trimmed-mean and median inflation. One-month trimmed-mean inflation declined from 3.2 percent in August to 2.4 percent in September. One-month median inflation declined from 3.4 percent in August to 2.4 percent in September. These data are consistent with the view that inflation is still running above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

With inflation running above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target, we wouldn’t typically expect that the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) would cut its target for the federal funds rate at its October 28–29 meeting. At this point, though, it seems likely that the FOMC will “look through” the higher inflation rates of the last few months because the higher rates may be largely attributable to one-time price increases caused by tariffs. Committee members have signaled that they are likely to cut their target for the federal funds rate by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) at the conclusion of next week’s meeting.

This morning, investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts assign a probability of 96.7 percent to the FOMC cutting its target for the federal funds rate at that meeting by 25 basis points from its current target range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent. Investors assign a 95.9 percent probability of the committee cutting its target by an additional 25 basis points to 3.50 percent to 3.75 percent at its December 9–10 meeting. If persistently high inflation rates reflect more than just the temporary effects of tariffs, these rate cuts will make it unlikely that the Fed will reach its 2 percent inflation target anytime soon.

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Fed Has Apparently Lost Early Access to ADP Employment Data

Fed Governor Christopher Wallace on October 21, 2025 at the Fed’s Payment Innovation Conference (photo from federalreserve.gov)

The current partial shutdown of the federal government has delayed the release by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) of its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”). The report had originally been scheduled to be released on October 3. In a recent blog post we discussed how well the employment data collected by the private payroll processing firm Automatic Data Processing (ADP) serves as an alternative measure of the state of the labor market. In that post we showed that ADP data on total private payroll employment tracks fairly well the BLS data on total private employment from its establishment survey (often called the payroll survey) .

An article in today’s Wall Street Journal reports that ADP has stopped providing the Fed with early access to its data. Apparently, as a public service ADP had been providing its data to the Fed a week before the data was publicly released. The article notes that ADP stopped providing the data soon after this speech delievered by Fed Governor Christopher Wallace in late August. In a footnote to the speech Wallace refers to “data that Federal Reserve staff maintains in collaboration with the employment services firm ADP.” The article points out, though, that Waller’s speech was only one of several times since 2019 that a Fed official has publicly mentioned receiving data from ADP.

Losing early access to the ADP data comes at a difficult time for the Fed, given that the BLS employment data are not available. In addition, the labor market has shown signs of weakening even though growth has remained strong in measures of output. If payroll employment has been falling, rather than growing slowly as it was in the August jobs report, that knowledge would affect the deliberations of the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) at its next meeting on October 28–29. Serious deterioration in the labor market could lead the FOMC to cut its target for the federal funds rate by more than the expected 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points).

In a speech in 2019, Fed Chair Jerome Powell noted that the Fed staff had used ADP data to develop a new measure of payroll employment. Had that measure been available in 2008, Powell argued, the FOMC would have realized earlier than it did that employment was being severely affected by the deepening of the financial crisis:

“[I]n the first eight months of 2008, as the Great Recession was getting underway, the official monthly employment data showed total job losses of about 750,000. A later benchmark revision told a much bleaker story, with declines of about 1.5 million. Our new measure, had it been available in 2008, would have been much closer to the revised data, alerting us that the job situation might be considerably worse than the official data suggested.”

The Wall Street Journal article notes that Powell has urged ADP to resume sharing its employment data with the Fed.

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Increased Demand for Collectibles Leads to an Increase in Supply—but Not in a Good Way

This pair of ruby slippers worn by Judy Garland playing the role of Dorothy in the Wizard of Oz sold at auction last December for $32.5 million.

One of the most important ideas in economics is that an increase in the price of a good attracts new entrants into that market. In the short run, before there is time for new firms to enter an industry, an increase in price leads to a movement up the supply curve for the good (an increase in the quantity supplied). In the long run, a higher price leads to the entry of new firms (an increase in supply), which forces the price of the good back down to the level at which firms in the industry just break even. The following figure from Microeconomics, Chapter 12 illustrates the effects of entry in the case of the market for cage-free eggs. An increase in demand occurs when the price is $2.00 per dozen. The increased demand forces a price increase to $3.00, but, over time, entry of new firms forces the price back down to $2.00.

But what if the supply of a good is fixed, as in the case of collectibles such as the props used in a movie? In that situation, we would expect that entry is impossible. Demand for props used in movies—particularly classic movies—has soared in recent years leading to sharply increased prices. A pair of ruby slippers (as they are usually called even though they are actually shoes rather than slippers) used in the filming of The Wizard of Oz sold at auction in December for $32.5 million. Shown below is the “Rosebud” sled used in the filming of Citizen Kane—thought by some critics to be the greatest film ever made. It sold for $14.75 million in June of this year.

The model of an X-Wing Starfighter shown below was used in filiming the first Star Wars film and sold at auction for $3.135 million.

Unlike with cage-free eggs, these high prices won’t attract new entry because the value of these goods comes from their having been used in the making of classic films. (Of course, the high prices may lead some people who own similar props from these movies to offer them for sale—a movement up the supply curve, rather than a shift in the curve.)

According to a recent article in the Los Angeles Times (a subscription may be required), some unscrupulous people have attempted to enter the market for collectible movie props by creating counterfeits. According to the article, 3D printers have made it easier for scammers to create duplicates of movie props. For instance, according to the article, earlier this year an auction house advertised that it would be offering for sale the only surviving Han Solo DL-44 blaster used in the filming of the first Star Wars movie. (Shown in the image below, which was generated by ChatGPT.) The auction house estimated that the blaster could sell for more than $3 million.

Collectors carefully analyzed the photos shown on the auction site and discovered several discrepancies between the prop being offered for sale and the actual prop used in the film. The auction house concluded that the prop was a counterfeit and withdrew it from sale.

The article quoted Jason Henry, who is a television producer and who makes online videos on movie collectibles, as saying:

“As the prices go up, the supply is going up as well, which doesn’t seem like that’s how it should be. And it’s not because there’s actually more of the original pieces, there’s actually just more fakes or questionable pieces as we like to call it, that are flying into the market.”

It’s unfortunate, but unsurprising to an economist, that in this case the very strong incentive to enter a profitable industry has led some people to break the law by creating counterfeit movie props.

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Mokyr, Aghion, and Howitt Win 2025 Nobel Prize in Economics

Joel Mokyr (photo from news.northwestern. edu)

Philippe Aghion (photo from philippeaghion.com)

Peter Howitt (photo from brown.edu)

For most of human history there was little to no economic growth. Until the nineteenth century, the average person everywhere in the world lived at a subsistence level. For example, although the Roman Empire controlled most of Southern and Western Europe, the Near East, and North Africa for more than 400 years, the living standard of the average citizen of the Empire was no higher at the end of the Empire than it had been at the beginning.

Economists typically measure economic growth by the rate of increase in real GDP per capita. The following figure, updated from Chapter 11 of Macroeconomics (Chapter 21 of Economics), shows the slow pace of growth in real GDP per capita in the world economy from the year 1 to the year 1820 and the much faster rates of growth over the following periods. As discussed in Chapter 11, the figure relies on data compiled by Angus Maddison of University of Groningen in the Netherlands and—for recent years—data from the World Bank.

This year’s three Nobelists have contributed to understanding why economic growth accelerated sharply in the nineteenth century and why England was the first country to experienced sustained increases in real GDP per capita—an event labeled the Industrial Revolution. Joel Mokyr of Northwestern University has conducted decades of research into which innovations were crucial to economic growth and the institutional and economic advantages that allowed entrepreneurs in England to use those innovations to expand production much more rapidly than had happened before. Philippe Aghion of Collège de France and INSEAD and Peter Howitt of Brown University have focused on formally modeling the process of creative destruction that underlies sustained economic growth. The classic discussion of creative destruction appears in Joseph Schumpeter’s book Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, published in 1942.

In Macroeconomics Chapter 21, we discuss the process of creative destruction in the context of economic growth. Creative destruction occurs as technological change results in new products that drive firms producing older products out of business. Examples are automobiles driving out of business producers of horse-drawn carriages in the early twentieth century. Or Netflix and other movie streaming sites driving video rental stores out of business in more recent years.

The Nobel Committee’s announcement of the prize can be found here. A longer discussion of the Nobelists’ work can be found here. The scope of their research can be seen by reviewing their curricula vitae, which can be found here, here, and here. The amount of the prize this years is 11 million Swedish kronor (about $1.2 million). Mokyr receives half and Aghion and Howitt receive the other half.

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Buy Stablecoins and Receive … a Free Toaster?

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Beginning in 1933, under the Federal Reserve’s Regulation Q, commercial banks were prohibited from paying interest on checking account deposits. As we discuss in Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 12, Section 12.4, in 1980 Congress allowed banks to pay interest on Negotiable Order of Withdrawal (NOW) accounts. Because NOW accounts effectively functioned as checking accounts, many people moved funds out of checking accounts and into NOW accounts.

Once NOW accounts were available, a bank could try to attract deposits by offering higher interest rates. But what did a bank do to attract deposits prior to 1980 when it couldn’t legally pay interest? Many banks offered rewards, such as toasters, clock radios, or other small appliances, to people who opened a new checking account or made a large deposit. Banks heavily advertised these rewards on television and radio and in newspapers. The 1960s and 1970s are sometimes called “the free-toaster era” in banking. For example, in 1973, the Marquette National Bank placed this advertisement in a local Minneapolis newspaper offering a variety of gifts to anyone depositing $250 or more in a checking account.

In 1977, a bank in Morton Grove, Illinois offered candy bowls and ashtrays to people opening new accounts.

Congress authorized NOW accounts because as interest rates rose during the 1970s—despite the offers of free gifts—banks  were losing deposits to money market mutual funds and other short-term financial assets such as Treasury bills. Today, banks are afraid that they will lose deposits to cryptocurrencies, particularly stablecoins. As we discuss in this blog post, stablecoins are a type of cryptocurrency—bitcoin is the best-known cryptocurrency—that can be bought and sold for a constant number of units of a currency, usually U.S. dollars. Typically, one stablecoin can be exchanged for one dollar.

In July 2025, Congress passed and President Trump signed the Guiding and Establishing National Innovation for U.S. Stablecoins Act (Genius Act) to provide a regulatory framework for stablecoins. Firms issuing stablecoins earn income on the assets, such as Treasury bills and money market funds that invest in Treasury bills, that they are required to hold to back the stablecoins they issue. But a provision of the Act bars issues of stablecoins from paying interest to holders of stablecoins. So, stablecoin issuers can’t copy the strategy of banks by paying interest to attract deposits and funding the interest on deposits with the interest earnings on their assets.

To this point, few people are buying stablecoins unless they intend to use them in buying and selling bitcoin and other cryptocurrencies or unless they need a convenient way to transfer funds across national borders. Some of these international transfers are related to drug dealing and other illegal activities. Because few retail firms—either brick-and-mortar or online—are equipped to accept stablecoins in payment for goods and services, and because stablecoins pay no interest, most households and firms don’t see stablecoins as good substitutes for checking accounts in banks.

As we discuss in Chapter 12 of Money, Banking, and the Financial System, when the federal government adopts new financial regulations, like the Genius Act, financial firms often respond by attempting to evade the regulations. People buy and sell cryptocurrencies on exchanges, such as Coinbase. Circle issues the stablecoin USDC and has agreed to pay Coinbase some of the interest it earns on Circle’s assets. As the following screenshot from the Coinbase site shows, Coinbase offers to pay interest to anyone who holds USDC on the Coinbase site.

Screenshot

An article in the Wall Street Journal notes that: “The result is something that critics say looks a lot like a yield-bearing stablecoin. Coinbase says the reward program is separate from its revenue-sharing deal with Circle.” If other stablecoins attract funds by offering interest payments in this indirect way and if more retailers begin to accept stablecoins as payment for goods and services—which they have an incentive to do to avoid the 1 percent to 3 percent fee that credit card issuers charge retailers on purchases—banks stand to lose trillions in deposits.  

Smaller banks, often called community banks, might be most at risk from deposit outflows because they are more reliant on deposits to fund their investments than are larger banks. As we discuss in Money, Banking, and the Financial System, Chapter 9, community banks practice relationship banking by using private information to assess the credit risk involved in lending to local borrowers, such as car dealers and restaurants. Many large banks believe that the transaction costs involved in evaluating risk on small business loans make such loans unprofitable. So the disappearance of many community banks may make it more difficult for small businesses to access the credit they need to operate.

The Bank Policy Institute (BPI), which lobbies on behalf of the banking industry, argues that:

“Stablecoin issuers want to engage in banking activities, like paying interest. Being a bank requires the full suite of regulatory requirements, deposit insurance and discount window access that keep banks safe. Stablecoins seeking to offer banking services must be subject to those requirements and protections, rather than using workarounds and backdoors to pay interest, take deposits and access the federal payment rails.”

BPI urges Congress to eliminate the ability of Coinbase and other crypto exhanges to help stablecoin issuers evade the prohibition on paying interest.

If the prohibition on stablecoin issuers paying interest is tightened, how else might issuers attract people to invest in stablecoins? Well, there’s always free toasters!

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The Federal Government Runs Another Large Budget Deficit in Fiscal Year 2025

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The federal government’s fiscal year runs from October 1 to September 30. Today (October 8), the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) released its estimate of the deficit for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2025. The deficit fell slightly from $1,817 billion in 2024 to $1,809 in 2025. As the following figure shows, the budget deficit in 2025 remains very large, particularly at a time when the U.S. economy is at or very close to full employment, although well below the record deficit of $3,133 billion in 2020.

The following table from the CBO report shows that in 2025 federal receipts increased slightly more than federal outlays, leading to a slightly smaller deficit.

The next table shows the changes in the major categories of federal receipts. Individual income and payroll taxes—which fund the Social Security and Medicare programs, as well as the federal government’s contributions to state unemployment insurance plans—both increased, while corporate income tax receipts fell. The biggest change was in custom duties, which more than doubled following the Trump administration’s sharp increase in tariff rates beginning on April 2.

The next table shows the changes in the major categories of federal outlays. Spending on the Social Security, Medicare (health insurance for older people), and Medicaid (health insurance for lower-income people) programs continue to rapidly increase. Spending on Medicare is now more than $100 billion greater than spending on defense. Interest on the public debt continues to increase as the debt increases and interest rates remain well above their pre-2021 levels.

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No BLS Jobs Report Today. Are ADP’s Data a Good Substitute?

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Ordinarily, on the first Friday of a month the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) releases its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) containing data on the labor market for the previous month. There was no jobs report today (October 3) because of the federal government shutdown. (We discuss the shutdown in this blog post.)

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment and unemployment data.

Economists surveyed had forecast that today’s payroll survey would have shown a net increase of 51,000 jobs in September. When the shutdown ends, the BLS will publish its jobs report for September. Until that happens, employment data collected by the private payroll processing firm Automatic Data Processing (ADP) provides an alternative measure of the state of the labor market. ADP data covers only about 20 percent of total private nonfarm employment, but ADP attempts to make its data more consistent with BLS data by weighting its data to reflect the industry weights used in the BLS data.

How closely does ADP employment data track BLS payroll data? The following figure shows the ADP employment series (blue line) and the BLS payroll employment data (red line) with the values for both series set equal to 100 in January 2010. The two series track well with the exception of April and May 2020 during the worst of the pandemic. The BLS series shows a much larger decline in employment during those months than does the ADP series.

The next figure shows the 12-month percentage changes in the two series. Again, the series track fairly well except for the worst months of the pandemic and—strikingly—the month of April 2021 during the economic recovery. In that month, the ADP series increases by only 0.6 percent, while the BLS series soars by 13.1 percent.

Finally, economists, policymakers, and investors usually focus on the change in payroll employment from the previous month—that is, the net change in jobs—shown in the BLS jobs report. The following figure shows the net change in jobs in the two series, starting in January 2021 to avoid some of the largest fluctuations during the pandemic.

Again, the two series track fairly well, although the BLS data is more volatile. The ADP data show a net decline of 32,000 jobs in September. As noted earlier, economists surveyed were expecting a net increase of 51,000 jobs. During the months from May through August, BLS data show an average monthly net increase in jobs of only 39,250. So, whether the BLS number will turn out to be closer to the ADP number or to the number economists had forecast, the message would be the same: Since May, employment has grown only slowly. And, of course, as we’ve seen this year, whatever the BLS’s initial employment estimate for September turns out to be, it’s likely to be subject to significant revision in coming months. (We discuss why BLS revisions to its initial employment estimates can be substantial in this post.)

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The Macroeconomic Effects of a Federal Government Shutdown

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This morning (September 30), the federal government appears headed for a shutdown at midnight. As this handy explainer by David Wessel on the Brookings Institution website notes:

“… federal agencies cannot spend or obligate any money without an appropriation (or other approval) from Congress. When Congress fails to enact the 12 annual appropriation bills, federal agencies must cease all non-essential functions until Congress acts.

Government employees who provide what are deemed essential services, such as air traffic control and law enforcement, continue to work, but don’t get paid until Congress takes action to end the shutdown. All this applies only to the roughly 25% of federal spending subject to annual appropriation by Congress.”

A federal government shutdown can cause significant inconvenience to people who rely on nonessential government services. Federal government employees won’t receive paychecks nor will contractors supplying nonessential services, such as cleaning federal office buildings. Many federal government facilities, such as museums and national parks will be closed or will operate on reduced hours. It seems likely that the Bureau of Labor Statistics will not release on time its “Employment Situation Report” for September, which was due on Friday.

Apart from the effects just listed, how might a shutdown affect the broader economy? The most recent federal government shutdown occurred during the first Trump administration and lasted from December 22, 2018 to January 25, 2019. At the end of that shutdown, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) prepared a report on its economic effects. The main conclusion of the report was that:

“In CBO’s estimation, the shutdown dampened economic activity mainly because of the loss of furloughed federal workers’ contribution to GDP, the delay in federal spending on goods and services, and the reduction in aggregate demand (which thereby dampened private-sector activity).”

Table 1 from the CBO report shows the effect of the shutdown on federal government expenditures. (Note that the CBO refers to the shutdown as being “partial” because, as in all federal government shutdowns, essential government services continued to be provided.)

Table 2 from the report shows the effects of the shutdown on real GDP.

Most of the macroeconomic effects of a government shutdown aren’t long lasting because most federal government spending that doesn’t occur during the shutdown is postponed rather than eliminated. When federal government employees return to work after the shutdown, they typically receive backpay for the time they were furloughed. The CBO estimates that the lasting effect of the shutdown on GDP was small “about $3 billion in forgone economic activity will not be recovered. That amount equals 0.02 percent of projected annual GDP in 2019.”

Will a federal government shutdown that begins at midnight tonight and lasts for a few weeks also have only a short-lived effect on the economy? That seems likely, although the Trump administration has indicated that if a shutdown occurs, some federal government employees will be fired rather than just furloughed. A significant reduction in federal employment could lead to a larger decrease in GDP that might persist for longer. The effect on the areas of Virginia and Maryland where most federal government workers live could be significant in the short run.

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What Will the U.S. Economy Be Like in 50 Years? Glenn Predicts!

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A Stronger Safety Net

Modern industrial capitalism’s bounty has been breathtaking globally and especially in the U.S. It’s tempting, then, to look at critics in the crowd in Monty Python’s “Life of Brian” as they ask, “What have the Romans ever do for us?,” only to be confronted with a large list of contributions. But, in fact, over time, American capitalism has been saved by adapting to big economic changes.

We’re at another turning point, and the pattern of American capitalism’s keeping its innovative and disruptive core by responding, if sometimes slowly, to structural shocks will play out as follows. 

The magnitude, scope and speed of technological change surrounding generative artificial intelligence will bring forth a new social insurance aimed at long-term, not just cyclical, impacts of disruption. For individuals, it will include support for work, community colleges and training, and wage insurance for older workers. For places, it will include block grants to communities and areas with high structural unemployment to stimulate new business and job opportunities. Such efforts are a needed departure from a focus on cyclical protection from short-term unemployment toward a longer-term bridge of reconnecting to a changing economy. 

These ideas, like America’s historical big responses in land-grant colleges and the GI Bill, combine federal funding support with local approaches (allowing variation in responses to local business and employment opportunities), another hallmark of past U.S. economic policy. 

With a stronger economic safety net, the current push toward higher tariffs and protectionism will gradually fade. Protectionism is a wall against change, but it is one that insulates us from progress, too. 

A growing budget deficit and strains on public finances will lead to a reliance on consumption taxes to replace the current income tax system; continuing to raise taxes on saving and investment will arrest growth prospects. For instance, a tax on business cash flow, which places a levy on a firm’s revenue minus all expenses including investment, would replace taxes on business income. Domestic production would be enhanced by adding a border adjustment to business taxes—exports would be exempt from taxation, but companies can’t claim a deduction for the cost of imports.

That reform allows a shift from helter-skelter tariffs to tax reform that boosts investment and offers U.S. and foreign firms alike an incentive to invest in the U.S. 

These ideas to retain opportunity amid creative destruction will also refresh American capitalism as the nation celebrates its 250th anniversary. They also celebrate the classical liberal ideas of Adam Smith, whose treatise “The Wealth of Nations” appeared the same year. This refresh marries competition’s role in “The Wealth of Nations” and American capitalism with the ability to compete, again a feature of turning points in capitalism in the U.S.

Decades down the road, this “Project 2026” will have preserved the bounty and mass prosperity of American capitalism.

These observations first appeared in the Wall Street Journal, along with predictions from six other economists and economic historians.

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Real GDP Growth Revised Up and PCE Inflation Running Slightly Below Expectations

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Today (September 26), the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released monthly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. Yesterday, the BEA released its revised estimate of real GDP growth in the second quarter. Taken together, the two reports show that economic growth remains realtively strong and that inflation continues to run above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target.

Taking the inflation report first, the following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—for the period since January 2018, with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. In August, headline PCE inflation was 2.7 percent, up from 2.6 percent in July. Core PCE inflation in August was 2.9 percent, unchanged from July. Headline PCE inflation was equal to the forecast of economists surveyed, while core PCE inflation was slightly lower than forecast.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month inflation, while this figure shows 1-month inflation.) Measured this way, headline PCE inflation increased from 2.0 percent in July to 3.2 percent in August. Core PCE inflation declined slightly from 2.9 percent in July to 2.8 percent in August. So, both 1-month and 12-month PCE inflation are telling the same story of inflation being well above the Fed’s target. The usual caution applies that 1-month inflation figures are volatile (as can be seen in the figure). In addition, these data likely reflect higher prices resulting from the tariff increases the Trump administration has implemented. Once the one-time price increases from tariffs have worked through the economy, inflation may decline. It’s not clear, however, how long that may take and President Trump indicated yesterday that he may impose new tariffs on pharmaceuticals, large trucks, and furniture.

Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently mentioned that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices fall, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also fall. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)


Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.4 percent in August, unchanged from July. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in August, also unchanged from July. So, both market-based measures show inflation as stable but above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. One-month headline market-based inflation increase sharply to 2.5 percent in August from 0.9 percent in July. One-month core market-based inflation increased slightly to 1.9 percent in August from 1.8 percent in July. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate.


Inflation running above the Fed’s 2 percent target is consistent with relatively strong growth in real GDP. The following figure shows compound annual rates of growth of real GDP, for each quarter since the first quarter of 2023. The value for the second quarter of 2025 is the BEA’s third estimate. This revised estimate increased the growth rate of real GDP to 3.8 percent from the second estimate of 3.3 percent.

The most important contributor to real GDP growth was growth in real personal consumption expenditures, which, as shown in the following figure, increased aat compound annual rate of 2.5 percent in the second quarter, up from 0.6 percent in the first quarter.

High interest rates continue to hold back residential construction, which declined by a compound annual rate of 5.1 percent in the second quarter after declining 1.0 percent in the first quarter.

Business investment in structures, such as factories and office buildings, continued a decline that began in the first quarter of 2024.

Will the relatively strong growth in real GDP in the second quarter continue in the third quarter? Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta prepare nowcasts of real GDP. A nowcast is a forecast that incorporates all the information available on a certain date about the components of spending that are included in GDP. The Atlanta Fed calls its nowcast GDPNow. As the following figure from the Atlanta Fed website shows, today the GDPNow forecast is for real GDP to grow at an annual rate of 3.9 percent in the third quarter.

Finally, the macroeconomic data released in the last two days has had realtively little effect on the expectations of investors trading federal funds rate futures. Investors assign an 89.8 percent probability to the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) cutting its target for the federal funds rate at its meeting on October 28–29 by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) from its current range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent. That probability is only slightly lower than 91.9 percent probaiblity that investors had assigned to a 25 basis point cut a week ago. However, the probability of the committee cutting its target rate by another 25 basis points at its December 9–10 fell to 67.0 percent today from 78.6 percent one week ago.

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Solved Problem: The Fed’s Dilemma

Supports: Macroeconomics, Chapter 13, Section 13.3; Economics, Chapter 23, Section 23.3; and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 15, Section 15.3

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A recent article on axios.com made the following observation: “The mainstream view on the Federal Open Market Committee is based on risk management—that the possibility of a further downshift in the job market appears to be the more pressing concern than the chance that inflation will spiral higher.” The article also notes that: “Tariffs’ effects on inflation are probably a one-time bump.”

a. What is the dual mandate that Congress has given the Federal Reserve?

b. In what circumstances might the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) be faced with a conflict between the goals in the dual mandate?

c. What does the author mean by tariffs’ effects on inflation being a “one-time bump”?

d. What does the author mean by the FOMC engaging in “risk management”? What is a “downshift” in the labor market? If the FOMC is more concerned about a downshift in the labor market than about inflation, will the committee raise or lower its target for the federal funds rate? Briefly explain.

Solving the Problem
Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the policy dilemma the Fed can face when the unemployment rate and the inflation rate are both rising, so you may want to review Macroeconomics, Chapter 13, Section 13.3, “Macroeconomic Equilibrium in the Long Run and the Short Run.”

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining what the Fed’s dual mandate is. Congress has given the Fed a dual mandate of achieving price stability and maximum employment.

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining when the FOMC may face a conflict with respect to its dual mandate. When the FOMC is faced with rising unemployment and falling inflation, its preferred policy response is clear: The committee will lower its target for the federal funds rate in order to increase the growth of aggregate demand, which will increase real GDP and reduce unemployment. When the FOMC is faced with falling unemployment and rising inflation, its preferred policy response is also clear: The committee will raise its target for the federal funds rate in order to slow the growth of aggregate demand, which will reduce the inflation rate.

But when the Fed faces an aggregate supply shock, its preferred policy response is unclear. An aggregate supply shock, such as the U.S. economy experienced during the Covid pandemic and again with the tariff increases that the Trump administration began implementing in April, will shift the short-run aggregate supply curve (SRAS) will shift to the left, causing an increase in the price level, along with a decline in real GDP and employment. This combination of rising unemployment and inflation is called stagflation. In this situation, the FOMC faces a policy dilemma: Raising the target for the federal funds rate will help reduce inflation, but will likely increase unemployment, while lowering the target for the federal funds rate will lead to lower unemployment, but will likely increase inflation. The following figure shows the situation during the Covid pandemic when the economy experienced both an aggregate demand and aggregate supply shock. The aggregate demand curve and the aggregate supply curve both shifted to the left, resulting in falling real GDP (and employment) and a rising price level.

Step 4: Answer part c. by explaining what it means to refer to the effect of tariffs on inflation being a “one-time bump.” Tariffs cause the aggregate supply curve to shift to the left because by increasing the prices of raw materials and other inputs, they increase the production costs of some businesses. Assuming that tariffs are not continually increasing, their effect on the price level will end once the production costs of firms stop rising.

Step 5: Answer part d. by explaining what the author means by the FOMC engaing in “risk management,” explaining what a “downshift” in the labor is, and whether if the FOMC is more concerned about a downshift in the labor market than in inflation, it will raise or lower its target for the federal funds rate. The article refers to the “possibility” of a further downshift in the labor market. A downshift in the labor market means that the demand for labor may decline, raising the unemployment rate. Managing the risk of this possibility would involve concentrating on the maximum employment part of the Fed’s dual mandate by lowering its target for the federal funds rate. Note that the expectation that the effect of tariffs on the price level is a one-time bump makes it easier for the committee to focus on the maximum employment part of its mandate because the increase in inflation due to the tariff increases won’t persist.

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Unusual FOMC Meeting Leads to Expected Result of Rate Cut

Photo of Fed Chair Jerome Powell from federalreserve.gov

Today’s meeting of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) occurred against a backdrop of President Trump pressuring the committee to reduce its target for the federal funds rate. In a controversial move, Trump nominated Stephen Miran, chair of Council of Economic Advisers (CEA), to fill an open seat on the Fed’s Board of Governors. Miran took a leave of absence from the CEA rather than resign his position, which made him the first member of the Board of Governors in decades to maintain an appointment elsewhere in the executive branch while serving on the Board. In addition, Trump had fired Governor Lisa Cook on the grounds that she had committed fraud in applying for a mortgage at a time before her appointment to the Board. Cook denied the charge and a federal appeals court sustained an injunction allowing her to participate in today’s meeting.

As most observers had expected, the committee decided today to lower its target for the federal funds rate from a range of 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent to a range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent—a cut of 0.25 percentage point, or 25 basis points. The members of the committee voted 11 to 1 for the 25 basis point cut with Miran dissenting because he preferred a 50 basis point cut.

The following figure shows, for the period since January 2010, the upper bound (the blue line) and lower bound (the green line) for the FOMC’s target range for the federal funds rate and the actual values of the federal funds rate (the red line) during that time. Note that the Fed has been successful in keeping the value of the federal funds rate in its target range. (We discuss the monetary policy tools the FOMC uses to maintain the federal funds rate in its target range in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.2 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.2).)

After the meeting, the committee also released a “Summary of Economic Projections” (SEP)—as it typically does after its March, June, September, and December meetings. The SEP presents median values of the 19 committee members’ forecasts of key economic variables. The values are summarized in the following table, reproduced from the release. (Note that only 5 of the district bank presidents vote at FOMC meetings, although all 12 presidents participate in the discussions and prepare forecasts for the SEP.)

There are several aspects of these forecasts worth noting:

  1. Committee members slightly increased their forecasts of real GDP growth for each year from 2025 through 2027. Committee members also slightly decreased their forecasts of the unemployment rate in 2026 and 2027. They left their forecast of unemployment in the fourth quarter of 2025 unchanged at 4.5 percent. (The unemployment rate in August was 4.3 percent.)
  2. Committee members left their forecasts for personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price inflation unchanged for 2025 and 2026, while raising their forecast for 2026 from 2.4 percent to 2.6 percent. Similarly, their forecasts of core PCE inflation were unchanged for 2025 and 2027 but increased from 2.4 percent to 2.6 percent for 2026. The committee does not expect that PCE inflation will decline to the Fed’s 2 percent annual target until 2028.
  3. The committee’s forecast of the federal funds rate at the end of 2025 was lowered from 3.9 percent in June to 3.6 percent today. They also lowered their forecast for federal funds rate at the end of 2026 from 3.6 percent to 3.4 pecent and at the end of 2027 from 3.4 percent to 3.1 percent.

Prior to the meeting there was much discussion in the business press and among investment analysts about the dot plot, shown below. Each dot in the plot represents the projection of an individual committee member. (The committee doesn’t disclose which member is associated with which dot.) Note that there are 19 dots, representing the 7 members of the Fed’s Board of Governors and all 12 presidents of the Fed’s district banks. 

The plots on the far left of the figure represent the projections of each of the 19 members of the value of the federal funds rate at the end of 2025. Ten of the 19 members expect that the committee will cut its target range for the federal funds rate by at least 50 basis points in its two remaining meetings this year. That narrow majority makes it likely that an unexpected surge in inflation during the next few months might result in the target range being cut by only 25 basis points or not cut at all. Members of the business press and financial analysts are expecting tht the committee will implement a 25 basis point cut in each of its last two meetings this year.

During his press conference following the meeting, Powell indicated that the recent increase in inflation was largely due to the effects of the increase in tariff rates that the Trump administration began implementing in April. (We discuss the recent data on inflation in this post.) Powell indicated that committee members expect that the tariff increases will cause a one-time increase in the price level, rather than causing a long-term increase in the inflation rate. Powell also noted recent slow growth in real GDP and employment. (We discuss the recent employment data in this blog post.) As a result, he said that the shift in the “balance of risks” caused the committee to believe that cutting the target for the federal funds rate was warranted to avoid the possibility of a significant rise in the unemployment rate.

The next FOMC meeting is on October 28–29 by which time the status of Lisa Cook on the committee may have been clarified. It also seems likely that President Trump will have named the person he intends to nominate to succeed Powell as Fed chair when Powell’s term ends on May 15, 2026. (Powel’s term on the Board doesn’t end until January 31, 2028, although Fed chairs typically resign from the Board if they aren’t reappointed as chair). And, of course, additional data on inflation and unemployment will also have been released.

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CPI Inflation Worsens, as Expected

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Today (September 11), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for August. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.9 percent in August, up from 2.7 in July. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 3.1 percent in August, up slightly from 3.0 percent in July. 

Headline inflation and core inflation were both the same as economists surveyed had expected.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) jumped from 2.4 percent in July to 4.7 percent in August. Core inflation (the red line) increased from 3.9 percent in July to 4.2 percent in August.

The 1-month and 12-month inflation rates are both indicating that inflation accelerated in August. Core inflation—which is often a good indicator of future inflation—in particular has been running well above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target during the last two months.

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

Core inflation had been running significantly higher than headline inflation in the past few months because gasoline prices had generally been falling since February. Gasoline prices turned around in August, however, increasing at a 25.5 percent annual rate. As shown in the following figure, 1-month inflation in gasoline prices moves erratically—which is the main reason that gasoline prices aren’t included in core inflation.

Does the increase in inflation represent the effects of the increases in tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2? (Note that many of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced) The following figure shows 12-month inflation in durable goods—such as furniture, appliances, and cars—which are likely to be affected directly by tariffs, and services, which are less likely to be affected by tariffs.. To make recent changes clearer, we look only at the months since January 2022. In August, inflation in durable goods increased to 1.9 percent from 1.2 percent in July. Inflation in services in August was 3.8 percent, unchanged from July.

The following figure shows 1-month inflation in the prices of these products, which may make the effects of tariffs clearer. In August, durable goods inflation was 5.1 percent up from 4.5 percent in July. Service inflation was 3.9 percent in August, down slightly from 4.0 percent in July. Inflation in goods and services both running well above 2 percent is not good news for inflation falling back to the Fed’s 2 percent target in the near future.

To better estimate the underlying trend in inflation, some economists look at median inflation and trimmed mean inflation.

  • Median inflation is calculated by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland and Ohio State University. If we listed the inflation rate in each individual good or service in the CPI, median inflation is the inflation rate of the good or service that is in the middle of the list—that is, the inflation rate in the price of the good or service that has an equal number of higher and lower inflation rates. 
  • Trimmed-mean inflation drops the 8 percent of goods and services with the highest inflation rates and the 8 percent of goods and services with the lowest inflation rates. 

The following figure shows that 12-month trimmed-mean inflation (the blue line) was 3.3 percent in August, up slightly from 3.2 July. Twelve-month median inflation (the red line) 3.6 percent in August, unchanged from July.


The following figure shows 1-month trimmed-mean and median inflation. One-month trimmed-mean inflation rose from 2.9 percent in July to 3.2 percent in August. One-month median inflation remained unchanged at 3.4 percent in August. These data are consistent with the view that inflation is running above the Fed’s 2 percent target.


The CPI inflation data combined with the recent jobs data (which we discuss here and here), indicate that the U.S. economy may be entering a period of stagflation—a combination of rising inflation with falling, or stagnating, output. Stagflation poses a policy dilemma for the Fed’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) because cutting its target for the federal funds rate to increase economic growth and employment may worsen inflation. At this point, it seems likely that the FOMC will “look through” this month’s rising inflation because it may be largely due to one-time price increases caused by tariffs. Committee members have signaled that they are likely to cut their target for the federal funds rate by 0.25 percent (25 basis points) at the conclusion of their meeting on September 16–17 and again at the conclusion of the following meeting on October 28–29.

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Where Did 911,000 Jobs Go?

Image generated by ChatGPT

Today (September 9), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) issued revised estimates of the increase in employment, as measured by the establishment survey, over the period from April 2024 through March 2025. The BLS had initially estimated that during that period net employment had increased by a total of 1,758,000 or an average of 147,000 jobs per month. The revision lowered this estimate by more than half to a total of 839,000 jobs or an average of only 70,000 net new jobs created per month. The difference between those two monthly averages means that the U.S. economy had generated a total of 919,000 fewer jobs during that period.  The revision was larger than the downward revision of 800,000 jobs forecast by economists at Wells Fargo, Comerica Bank, and Pantheon Macroeconomics.

Why does the BLS have to revise its employment estimates? As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1) the initial estimates that the BLS issues each month in its “Employment Situation” reports are based on a sample of 121,000 businesses and government agencies representing 631,000 worksites or “establishments.” The monthly data also rely on estimates of the number of employees at establishments that opened or closed during the month and on employment changes at establishments that failed to respond to the survey. In August or September of each year, the BLS issues revised employment estimates based on data from the Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages (QCEW), which relies on state unemployment insurance tax records. The unemployment tax records are much more comprehensive than the original sample of establishments because nearly all employers are included. 

In today’s report, the BLS cited two likely sources of error in their preliminary estimates:

“First, businesses reported less employment to the QCEW than they reported to the CES survey (response error). Second, businesses who were selected for the CES survey but did not respond reported less employment to the QCEW than those businesses who did respond to the CES survey (nonresponse error).”

The preliminary benchmark estimates the BLS released today will be revised again and the final estimates for these months will be released in February 2026. The difference between the preliminary and final benchmark estimates can be substantial. For example, last year, the BLS’s initially preliminary benchmark estimate indicated that the net employment increase from April 2023 to March 2024 had been overestimated by 818,000 jobs. In February 2025, the final benchmark estimate reduced this number to 598,000 jobs.

Although this year’s revision is particularly large in absolute terms—the largest since at least 2001—it still represents only about 0.56 percent of the more than 159.5 million people employed in the U.S. economy. Still the size of this revision is likely to increase political criticism of the BLS.

How will this revision affect the decision by the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) at its next meeting on September 16-17 to cut or maintain its target for the federal funds rate? The members of the committee were probably not surprised by the downward revision in the employment estimates, although they may have anticipated that the revision would be smaller. In six of the past seven years, the BLS has revised its estimates of payroll employment downward in its annual preliminary benchmark revision.

As we noted in this recent post, even before the BLS revised its employment estimates downward, recent monthly net employment increases were well below the increases during the first half of the year. There was already a high likelihood that the FOMC intended to cut its target for the federal funds rate at its meeting on September 16–17. The substantial downward revision in the employment data makes a cut at the September meeting nearly a certainty and increases the likelihood that the FOMC will implement a second cut in its target for the federal funds rate at the committee’s meeting on October 28–29.

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Weak Jobs Report Provides Further Evidence of Labor Market Softening

Image generated by ChatGPT

This morning (September 5), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for August. The data in the report show that the labor market was weaker than expected in August.

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of only 22,000 nonfarm jobs during August. This increase was well below the increase of 110,000 that economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast.  Economists surveyed by the Wall Street Journal had forecast a smaller increase of 75,000 jobs. In addition, the BLS revised downward its previous estimates of employment in June and July by a combined 21,000 jobs. The estimate for June was revised from a net gain of 14,000 to a net loss of 13,000. This was the first month with a net job loss since December 2020. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”)

The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure makes clear the striking deceleration in job growth since April. The Trump administration announced sharp increases in U.S. tariffs on April 2. Media reports indicate that some firms have slowed hiring due to the effects of the tariffs or in anticipation of those effects.

The unemployment rate increased from 4.2 percent in July to 4.3 percent in August, the highest rate since October 2021. The unemployment rate is above the 4.2 percent rate economists surveyed by FactSet had forecast. As the following figure shows, the unemployment rate had been remarkably stable over the past year, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month May 2024 to July 2025 before breaking out of that range in August. In June, the members of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) forecast that the unemployment rate during the fourth quarter of 2025 would average 4.5 percent. The unemployment rate would still have to rise significantly for that forecast to be accurate.

Each month, the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta estimates how many net new jobs are required to keep the unemployment rate stable. Given a slowing in the growth of the working-age population due to the aging of the U.S. population and a sharp decline in immigration, the Atlanta Fed currently estimates that the economy would have to create 97,591 net new jobs each month to keep the unemployment rate stable at 4.3 percent. If this estimate is accurate, continuing monthly net job increases of 22,000 would result in a a rising unemployment rate.

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 288,000 jobs in August, following a net decrease of 260,000 jobs in July. As an indication of the volatility in the employment changes in the household survey note the very large swings in net new jobs in January and February. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent. as was the case this month with employment increasing much more in the household survey than in the employment survey. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those aged 25 to 54. In August the ratio rose to 80.7 percent from 8.4 percent in July. The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is still above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to February 2020. The increase in the prime-age employment-population ratio is a bright spot in this month’s jobs report.

It is still unclear how many federal workers have been laid off since the Trump Administration took office. The establishment survey shows a decline in federal government employment of 15,000 in August and a total decline of 97,000 since the beginning of February 2025. However, the BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.” It’s possible that as more federal employees end their period of receiving severance pay, future jobs reports may report a larger decline in federal employment. To this point, the decline in federal employment has had a small effect on the overall labor market.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.7 percent in August, down from an increase of 3.9 percent in July.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In August, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 3.3 percent, down from 4.0 percent in July. This slowdown in wage growth may be another indication of a weakening labor market. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

What effect might today’s jobs report have on the decisions of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with respect to setting its target for the federal funds rate? One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) As we’ve noted in earlier blog posts, since the weak July jobs report, investors have assigned a very high probability to the committee cutting its target by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) from its current range of 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent at its September 16–17 meeting. This morning, as the following figure shows, investors raised the probability they assign to a 50 basis point reduction at the September meeting from 0 percent to 14.2 percent. Investors are also now assigning a 78.4 percent probability to the committee cutting its target range by at least an additional 25 basis points at its October 28–29 meeting.

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Is it 1987 for AI?

Image generated by ChatGPT 5 of a 1981 IBM personal computer.

The modern era of information technology began in the 1980s with the spread of personal computers. A key development was the introduction of the IBM personal computer in 1981. The Apple II, designed by Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak and introduced in 1977, was the first widely used personal computer, but the IBM personal computer had several advantages over the Apple II. For decades, IBM had been the dominant firm in information technology worldwide. The IBM System/360, introduced in 1964, was by far the most successful mainframe computer in the world. Many large U.S. firms depended on IBM to meet their needs for processing payroll, general accounting services, managing inventories, and billing.

Because these firms were often reliant on IBM for installing, maintaining, and servicing their computers, they were reluctant to shift to performing key tasks with personal computers like the Apple II. This reluctance was reinforced by the fact that few managers were familiar with Apple or other early personal computer firms like Commodore or Tandy, which sold the TRS-80 through Radio Shack stores. In addition, many firms lacked the technical staffs to install, maintain, and repair personal computers. Initially, it was easier for firms to rely on IBM to perform these tasks, just as they had long been performing the same tasks for firms’ mainframe computers.

By 1983, the IBM PC had overtaken the Apple II as the best-selling personal computer in the United States. In addition, IBM had decided to rely on other firms to supply its computer chips (Intel) and operating system (Microsoft) rather than develop its own proprietary computer chips and operating system. This so-called open architecture made it possible for other firms, such as Dell and Gateway, to produce personal computers that were similar to IBM’s. The result was to give an incentive for firms to produce software that would run on both the IBM PC and the “clones” produced by other firms, rather than produce software for Apple personal computers. Key software such as the spreadsheet program Lotus 1-2-3 and word processing programs, such as WordPerfect, cemented the dominance of the IBM PC and the IBM clones over Apple, which was largely shut out of the market for business computers.

As personal computers began to be widely used in business, there was a general expectation among economists and policymakers that business productivity would increase. Productivity, measured as output per hour of work, had grown at a fairly rapid average annual rate of 2.8 percent between 1948 and 1972. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 10 (Economics, Chapter 20 and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 14) rising productivity is the key to an economy achieving a rising standard of living. Unless output per hour worked increases over time, consumption per person will stagnate. An annual growth rate of 2.8 percent will lead to noticeable increases in the standard of living.

Economists and policymakers were concerned when productivity growth slowed beginning in 1973. From 1973 to 198o, productivity grew at an annual rate of only 1.3 percent—less than half the growth rate from 1948 to 1972. Despite the widespread adoption of personal computers by businesses, during the 1980s, the growth rate of productivity increased only to 1.5 percent. In 1987, Nobel laureate Robert Solow of MIT famously remarked: “You can see the computer age everywhere but in the productivity statistics.” Economists labeled Solow’s observation the “productivity paradox.” With hindsight, it’s now clear that it takes time for businesses to adapt to a new technology, such as personal computers. In addition, the development of the internet, increases in the computing power of personal computers, and the introduction of innovative software were necessary before a significant increase in productivity growth rates occurred in the mid-1990s.

Result when ChatGPT 5 is asked to create an image illustrating ChatGPT

The release of ChatGPT in November 2022 is likely to be seen in the future as at least as important an event in the evolution of information technology as the introduction of the IBM PC in August 1981. Just as with personal computers, many people have been predicting that generative AI programs will have a substantial effect on the labor market and on productivity.

In this recent blog post, we discussed the conflicting evidence as to whether generative AI has been eliminating jobs in some occupations, such as software coding. Has AI had an effect on productivity growth? The following figure shows the rate of productivity growth in each quarter since the fourth quarter of 2022. The figure shows an acceleration in productivity growth beginning in the fourth quarter of 2023. From the fourth quarter of 2023 through the fourth quarter of 2024, productivity grew at an annual rate of 3.1 percent—higher than during the period from 1948 to 1972. Some commentators attributed this surge in productivity to the effects of AI.

However, the increase in productivity growth wasn’t sustained, with the growth rate in the first half of 2025 being only 1.3 percent. That slowdown makes it more likely that the surge in productivity growth was attributable to the recovery from the 2020 Covid recession or was simply an example of the wide fluctuations that can occur in productivity growth. The following figure, showing the entire period since 1948, illustrates how volatile quarterly rates of productivity growth are.

How large an effect will AI ultimately have on the labor market? If many current jobs are replaced by AI is it likely that the unemployment rate will soar? That’s a prediction that has often been made in the media. For instance, Dario Amodei, the CEO of generative AI firm Anthropic, predicted during an interview on CNN that AI will wipe out half of all entry level jobs in the U.S. and cause the unemployment rate to rise to between 10% and 20%.  

Although Amodei is likely correct that AI will wipe out many existing jobs, it’s unlikely that the result will be a large increase in the unemployment rate. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9 (Economics, Chapter 19 and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 13) the U.S. economy creates and destroys millions of jobs every year. Consider, for instance, the following table from the most recent “Job Openings and Labor Turnover” (JOLTS) report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). In June 2025, 5.2 million people were hired and 5.1 million left (were “separated” from) their jobs as a result of quitting, being laid off, or being fired.

Most economists believe that one of the strengths of the U.S. economy is the flexibility of the U.S. labor market. With a few exceptions, “employment at will” holds in every state, which means that a business can lay off or fire a worker without having to provide a cause. Unionization rates are also lower in the United States than in many other countries. U.S. workers have less job security than in many other countries, but—crucially—U.S. firms are more willing to hire workers because they can more easily lay them off or fire them if they need to. (We discuss the greater flexibility of U.S. labor markets in Macroeconomics, Chapter 11 (Economics, Chapter 21).)

The flexibility of the U.S. labor market means that it has shrugged off many waves of technological change. AI will have a substantial effect on the economy and on the mix of jobs available. But will the effect be greater than that of electrification in the late nineteenth century or the effect of the automobile in the early twentieth century or the effect of the internet and personal computing in the 1980s and 1990s? The introduction of automobiles wiped out jobs in the horse-drawn vehicle industry, just as the internet has wiped out jobs in brick-and-mortar retailing. People unemployed by technology find other jobs; sometimes the jobs are better than the ones they had and sometimes the jobs are worse. But economic historians have shown that technological change has never caused a spike in the U.S. unemployment rate. It seems likely—but not certain!—that the same will be true of the effects of the AI revolution. 

Which jobs will AI destroy and which new jobs will it create? Except in a rough sense, the truth is that it is very difficult to tell. Attempts to forecast technological change have a dismal history. To take one of many examples, in 1998, Paul Krugman, later to win the Nobel Prize, cast doubt on the importance of the internet: “By 2005 or so, it will become clear that the Internet’s impact on the economy has been no greater than the fax machine’s.” Krugman, Amodei and other prognosticators of the effects of technological change simply lack the knowledge to make an informed prediction because the required knowledge is spread across millions of people. 

That knowledge only becomes available over time. The actions of consumers and firms interacting in markets mobilize information that is initially known only partially to any one person. In 1945, Friedrich Hayek made this argument in “The Use of Knowledge in Society,” which is one of the most influential economics articles ever written. One of Hayek’s examples is an unexpected decrease in the supply of tin. How will this development affect the economy? We find out only by observing how people adapt to a rising price of tin: “The marvel is that … without an order being issued, without more than perhaps a handful of people knowing the cause, tens of thousands of people whose identity could not be ascertained by months of investigation are made [by the increase in the price of tin] to use the material or its products more sparingly.” People adjust to changing conditions in ways that we lack sufficient information to reliably forecast. (We discuss Hayek’s view of how the market system mobilizes the knowledge of workers, consumers, and firms in Microeconomics, Chapter 2.)

It’s up to millions of engineers, workers, and managers across the economy, often through trial and error, to discover how AI can best reduce the cost of producing goods and services or improve their quality. Competition among firms drives them to make the best use of AI. In the end, AI may result in more people or fewer people being employed in any particular occupation.  At this point, there is no way to know.

 

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Has AI Damaged the Tech Job Market for Recent College Grads?

Image generated by ChatGPT 5

“Artificial intelligence is profoundly limiting some young Americans’ employment prospects, new research shows.” That’s the opening sentence of a recent opinion column in the Wall Street Journal. The columnist was reacting to a new academic paper by economists Erik Brynjolfsson, Bharat Chandar, and Ruyu Chen of Stanford University. (See also this Substack post by Chandar that summarizes the results of their paper.) The authors find that:

“[S]ince the widespread adoption of generative AI, early-career workers (ages 22-25) in the most AI-exposed occupations have experienced a 13 percent relative decline in employment … In contrast, employment for workers in less exposed fields and more experienced workers in the same occupations has remained stable or continued to grow. Furthermore, employment declines are concentrated in occupations where AI is more likely to automate, rather than augment, human labor.”

The authors conclude that “our results are consistent with the hypothesis that generative AI has begun to significantly affect entry-level employment.”

About a month ago, we wrote a blog post looking at whether unemployment among young college graduates has been abnormally high in recent months.  The following figure from that post shows that over time, the unemployment rates for the youngest college graduates (the red line) is nearly always above the unemployment rate for the population as a whole (the green line), while the unemployment rate for college graduates 25 to 34 years old (the blue line) is nearly always below the unemployment rate for the population as a whole. In July of this year, the unemployment rate for the population as a whole was 4.2 percent, while the unemployment for college graduates 20 to 24 years old was 8.5 percent, and the unemployment rate for college graduates 25 to 34 years old was 3.8 percent.

As the following figure (also reproduced from that blog post) shows, the increase in unemployment among young college graduates has been concentrated among males. Does higher male unemployment indicate that AI is eliminating jobs, such as software coding, that are disproportionately male? Data journalist John Burn-Murdoch argues against this conclusion, noting that data shows that “early-career coding employment is now tracking ahead of the [U.S.] economy.”

Another recent paper written by Sarah Eckhardt and Nathan Goldschlag of the Economic Innovation Group is also skeptical of the view that firms adopting generative AI programs is reducing employment in certain types of jobs. They use a measure developed by Edward Felton on Princeton University, and Manav Raj and Robert Seamans of New York University of how exposed particular jobs are to AI (AI Occupational Exposure (AIOE)). The following table from Eckhardt and Goldschlag’s paper shows the five most AI exposed jobs and the five least AI exposed jobs.

They divide all occupations into quintiles based on the exposure of the occupations to AI. Their key results are given in the following table, which shows that the occupations that are most exposed to the effects of AI—quintiles 4 and 5—have lower unemployment rates and higher wages than do the occupations that are least exposed to AI. 

The Brynjolfsson, Chandar, and Chen paper mentioned at the beginning of this post uses a larger data set of workers by occupation from ADP, a private firm that processes payroll data for about 25 percent of U.S. workers. Figure 1 from their paper, reproduced here, shows that employment of workers in two occupations—software developers and customer service—representative of those occupations most exposted to AI declined sharply after generative AI programs became widely available in late 2022.

They don’t find this pattern for all occupations, as shown in the following figure from their paper.

Finally, they show results by occupational quintiles, with workers ages aged 22 to 25 being hard hit in the two occupational quintiles (4 and 5) most exposted to AI. The data show total employment growth from October 2022 to July 2025 by age group and exposure to AI.

Economics blogger Noah Smith has raised an interesting issue about Brynjolfsson, Chandar, and Chen’s results. Why would we expect that the negative effect of AI on employment to be so highly concentrated among younger workers? Why would employment in the most AI exposed occupations be growing rapidly among workers aged 35 and above? Smith wonders “why companies would be rushing to hire new 40-year-old workers in those AI-exposed occupations.” He continues:

“Think about it. Suppose you’re a manager at a software company, and you realize that the coming of AI coding tools means that you don’t need as many software engineers. Yes, you would probably decide to hire fewer 22-year-old engineers. But would you run out and hire a ton of new 40-year-old engineers?“

Both the papers discussed here are worth reading for their insights on how the labor market is evolving in the generative AI era. But taken together, they indicate that it is probably too early to arrive at firm conclusions about the effects of generative AI on the job market for young college graduates or other groups.

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PCE Inflation Is Steady, but Still Above the Fed’s Target

On August 29, the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released data for July on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. The Fed relies on annual changes in the PCE price index to evaluate whether it’s meeting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—for the period since January 2017, with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. In July, headline PCE inflation was 2.6 percent, unchanged from June. Core PCE inflation in July was 2.9 percent, up slightly from 2.8 percent in June. Headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation were both equal to what economists surveyed had forecast.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month inflation, while this figure shows 1-month inflation.) Measured this way, headline PCE inflation fell from 3.5 percent in June to 2.4 percent in July. Core PCE inflation increased slightly from 3.2 percent in June to 3.3 percent in July. So, both 1-month PCE inflation estimates are above the Fed’s 2 percent target, with 1-month core PCE inflation being well above target. The usual caution applies that 1-month inflation figures are volatile (as can be seen in the figure), so we shouldn’t attempt to draw wider conclusions from one month’s data. In addition, these data may reflect higher prices resulting from the tariff increases the Trump administration has implemented. Once the one-time price increases from tariffs have worked through the economy, inflation may decline. It’s not clear, however, how long that may take and it’s likely that not all the effects of the tariff increases on the price level are reflected in this month’s data.

As usual, we need to note that Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently mentioned that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices fall, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also fall. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)

Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.3 percent in July, unchanged from June. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in July, also unchanged from June. So, both market-based measures show inflation as stable but above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. One-month headline market-based inflation declined sharply to 1.1 percent in July from 4.1 percent in June. One-month core market-based inflation also declined sharply to 2.1 percent in July from 3.8 percent in June. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate. Still, looking at 1-month inflation gives us a better look at current trends in inflation, which these data indicate is slowing significantly.

As we noted earlier, some of the increase in inflation is likely attributable to the effects of tariffs. The effect of tariffs are typically seen in goods prices, rather than in service prices because tariffs are levied primarily on imports of goods. As the following figure shows, one-month inflation in goods prices jumped in June to 4.8 percent, but then declined sharply to –1.6 in July. One-month inflation in services prices increased from 2.9 percent in June to 4.3 percent in July. Clearly, the 1-month inflation data—particularly for goods—are quite volatile.

Finally, these data had little effect on the expectations of investors trading federal funds rate futures. Investors assign an 86.4 percent probability to the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) cutting its target for the federal funds rate at its meeting on September 16–17 by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) from its current range of 4.25 percent to 4.5o percent. There has been some speculation in the business press that the FOMC might cut its target by 50 basis points at that meeting, but with inflation remaining above target, investors don’t foresee a larger cut in the target range happening.

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In Jackson Hole Speech, Fed Chair Powell Signals a Rate Cut and Introduces the Fed’s Revised Monetary Policy Framework

Photo from federalreserve.gov

Federal Reserve chairs often take the opportunity of the Kansas City Fed’s annual monetary policy symposium held in Jackson Hole, Wyoming to provide a summary of their views on monetary policy and on the state of the economy. In these speeches, Fed chairs are careful not to preempt decisions of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) by stating that policy changes will occur that the committee hasn’t yet agreed to. In his speech at Jackson Hole today (August 22), Powell came about as close as Fed chairs ever do to announcing a policy change in a speech. In addition, Powell announced changes to the Fed’s monetary policy framework that had been in place since 2020.

Congress has given the Federal Reserve a dual mandate to achieve price stability and maximum employment. To reach its goal of price stability, the Fed has set an inflation target of 2 percent, with inflation being measured by the percentage change in the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index. In the statement that the FOMC releases after each meeting, it generally indicates the current “balance of risks” to meeting its two goals. In a press conference on July 30 following the last meeting of the FOMC, Powell stated that while the labor market appeared to be in balance at close to maximum employment, inflation was still running above the Fed’s 2 percent annual target.

In today’s speech, Powell stated that “the balance of risks appears to be shifting” and “that downside risks to employment are rising. And if those risks materialize, they can do so quickly in the form of sharply higher layoffs and rising unemployment.” These statements seem to signal that he expects that at its next meeting on September 16–17 the FOMC will cut its target for the federal funds rate from its current range of 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) Yesterday, investors assigned a 75.0 percent probability to the committee cutting its target by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) to a range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent at its September meeting. After Powell’s speech at 10 a.m. eastern time, the probability of a 25 basis point cut increased to 85.3 percent. As the following figure from the Wall Street Journa shows, the stock market also jumped, with the S&P 500 stock index having increased about 1.5 percent at 2:00 p.m. Investors were presumably expecting that by cutting its federal funds rate target, the FOMC would help to offset some of the current weakness in the labor market. (We discussed the weakness in the latest jobs report in this blog post.)

Powell also announced that the Fed had revised its monetary policy framework, which had been in place since 2020. The previous framework was called flexible average-inflation targeting (FAIT). The policy was intended to automatically make monetary policy expansionary during recessions and contractionary during periods of unexpectedly high inflation. If households and firms accept that the Fed is following this policy, then during a recession when the inflation rate falls below the target, they would expect that the Fed would take action to increase the inflation rate. If a higher inflation rate results in a lower real interest rate, there will be an expansionary effect on the economy. Similarly, if the inflation rate were above the target, households and firms would expect future inflation rates to be lower, raising the real interest rate, which would have a contractionary effect on the economy.

An important point to note is that with a FAIT policy, after a period in which inflation is below 2%, the Fed would aim to keep inflation above 2% for a time to “make up” for the period of low inflation. But the converse would not be true—if inflation runs above 2%, the Fed would attempt to bring the inflation back to 2%, but would not push inflation below 2% for a time to make up for the period of low inflation. The result is that, on average, the economy would run “hotter,” lowering the average unemployment rate over time. Many policymakers at the Fed believed that, in the years before 2019, the unemployment could have been lower without causing the inflation rate to be persistently above the Fed’s target.

With hindsight, some economists and policymakers argue that FAIT was implemented at just the wrong time. The policy was designed to address the problem of inflation running below the 2% target for most of the period between 2012 and 2019, resulting in unemployment being higher  than was consistent with the Fed’s mandate for maximum employment. But, in fact, as the following figure shows, in 2020 the U.S. economy was about to enter a period with the highest inflation rates since the early 1980s. 

In his speech today, Powell noted that:

“The economic conditions that brought the policy rate to the ELB [effective lower bound to the federal funds rate, 0 percent to 0.25 percent] and drove the 2020 framework changes were thought to be rooted in slow-moving global factors that would persist for an extended period—and might well have done so, if not for the pandemic. … In the event, rather than low inflation and the ELB, the post-pandemic reopening brought the highest inflation in 40 years to economies around the world.”

Powell outlined the key changes in the policy framework:

“First, we removed language indicating that the ELB was a defining feature of the economic landscape. Instead, we noted that our ‘monetary policy strategy is designed to promote maximum employment and stable prices across a broad range of economic conditions.'”

“Second, we returned to a framework of flexible inflation targeting and eliminated the ‘makeup’ strategy. As it turned out, the idea of an intentional, moderate inflation overshoot [after a period when inflation had been below the 2 percent annual target] had proved irrelevant. … Our revised statement emphasizes our commitment to act forcefully to ensure that longer-term inflation expectations remain well anchored, to the benefit of both sides of our dual mandate. It also notes that ‘price stability is essential for a sound and stable economy and supports the well-being of all Americans.’ “

“Third, our 2020 statement said that we would mitigate ‘shortfalls,’ rather than ‘deviations,’ from maximum employment. … [T]he use of ‘shortfalls’ was not intended as a commitment to permanently forswear preemption or to ignore labor market tightness. Accordingly, we removed ‘shortfalls’ from our statement. Instead, the revised document now states more precisely that ‘the Committee recognizes that employment may at times run above real-time assessments of maximum employment without necessarily creating risks to price stability.’ … [But] preemptive action would likely be warranted if tightness in the labor market or other factors pose risks to price stability.”

“Fourth, consistent with the removal of ‘shortfalls,’ we made changes to clarify our approach in periods when our employment and inflation objectives are not complementary. In those circumstances, we will follow a balanced approach in promoting them.”

“Finally, the revised consensus statement retained our commitment to conduct a public review roughly every five years.”

To summarize, the two key changes in the framework are: 1) The FOMC will no longer attempt to push inflation beyond its 2 percent goal if inflation has been below that goal for a period, and 2) The FOMC may still attempt to preempt an increase in inflation if labor market conditions or other data make it appear likely that inflation will accelerate, but it won’t necessarily do so just because the unemployment rate is currently lower than what had been considered consistent with maximum employment.

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Glenn’s Questions for the Fed

Photo from federalreserve.gov

This opinion column originally ran at Project Syndicate.

While recent media coverage of the US Federal Reserve has tended to focus on when, and by how much, interest rates will be cut, larger issues loom. The selection of a new Fed chair to succeed Jerome Powell, whose term ends next May, should focus not on short-term market considerations, but on policies and processes that could improve the Fed’s overall performance and accountability.

By demanding that the Fed cut the federal funds rate sharply to boost economic activity and lower the government’s borrowing costs, US President Donald Trump risks pushing the central bank toward an overly inflationary monetary policy. And that, in turn, risks increasing the term premium in the ten-year Treasury yield—the very financial indicator that Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has emphasized. A higher premium would raise, not lower, borrowing costs for the federal government, households, and businesses alike. Moreover, concerns about the Fed’s independence in setting monetary policy could undermine confidence in US financial markets and further weaken the dollar’s exchange rate. 

But this does not imply that Trump should simply seek continuity at the Fed. The Fed, under Powell, has indeed made mistakes, leading to higher inflation, sometimes inept and uncoordinated communications, and an unclear strategy for monetary policy.

I do not share the opinion of Trump and his advisers that the Fed has acted from political or partisan motives. Even when I have disagreed with Fed officials or Powell on matters of policy, I have not doubted their integrity. However, given their mistakes, I do believe that some institutional introspection is warranted. The next chair—along with the Board of Governors and the Federal Open Market Committee—will have many policy questions to address beyond the near-term path for the federal funds rate. 

Three issues are particularly important. The first is the Fed’s dual mandate: to ensure stable prices and maximum employment. Many economists (including me) have been critical of the Fed for exhibiting an inflationary bias in 2021 and 2022. The highest inflation rate in 40 years raised pressing questions about whether the Fed has assigned the right weights to inflation and employment. 

Clearly, the strategy of pursuing a flexible average inflation target (implying that inflation can be permitted to rise above 2% if it had previously been below 2%) has not been successful. What new approach should the Fed adopt to hit its inflation target? And how can the Fed be held more accountable to Congress and the public? Should it issue a regular inflation report? 

The second issue concerns the size and composition of the Fed’s balance sheet. Since the global financial crisis of 2008, the Fed has had a much larger balance sheet and has evolved toward an “ample reserves model” (implying a perpetually high level of reserves). But how large must the balance sheet be to conduct monetary policy, and how important should long-term Treasury debt and mortgage-backed securities be, relative to the rest of the balance sheet? If such assets are to play a central role, how can the Fed best separate the conduct of monetary policy from that of fiscal policy? 

The third issue is financial regulation. What regulatory changes does the Fed believe are needed to avoid the kind of costly stresses in the Treasury market we have witnessed in recent years? How can bank supervision be improved? Given that regulation is an inherently political subject, how can the Fed best separate these activities from its monetary policymaking (where independence is critical)? 

Addressing these policy questions requires a rethink of process, too. The Fed would be more effective in dealing with a changing economic environment if it acknowledged and debated more diverse viewpoints about the roles of monetary policy and financial regulation in how the economy works.

The Fed’s inflation mistakes, overconfidence in financial regulation, and other errors partly reflect the “groupthink” to which all organizations are prone. Regional Fed presidents’ views traditionally have reflected their own backgrounds and local conditions, but that doesn’t translate easily into a diversity of economic views. Instead of choosing Fed officials based on how they are likely to vote at the next rate-setting meeting, Trump should put more weight on intellectual and experiential diversity. Equally, the Fed itself could more actively seek and listen to dissenting views from academic and business leaders. 

Raising questions about policy and process offers guidance about the characteristics that the next Fed chair will need to succeed. These obviously include knowledge of monetary policy and financial regulation and mature, independent judgment; but they also include diverse leadership experience and an openness to new ideas and perspectives that might enhance the institution’s performance and accountability. One hopes that Trump’s selection of the next Fed chair, and the Senate’s confirmation process, will emphasize these attributes.

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Solved Problem: How Can Total Employment and the Unemployment Rate Both Increase at the Same Time?

Supports: Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Economics, Chapter 19, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 13.

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A recent article on axios.com notes that from April 2023 to July 2024, the U.S. economy generated an average net increase of 177,000 jobs per month. Despite that job growth, the unemployment rate during that period increased by 0.8 percentage point. The article observes that: “At first glance, the combination of a rising unemployment rate and strong jobs growth simply does not compute.” How is it possible during a given period for both total employment and the unemployment rate to increase?

Solving the Problem
Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about calculating the unemployment rate, so you may want to review Chapter 9, Section 9.1, “Measuring the Unemployment Rate, the Labor Force Participation Rate, and the Employment-Population Ratio.” 

Step 2: Answer the question by explaining how it’s possible for both the total number of people employed and the unemployment rate to both increase during the same period.  The unemployment rate is equal to the number of people unemployed divided by the number of people in the labor force (multiplied by 100). The labor force equals the sum of the number of people employed and the number of people unemployed.

Let’s consider the situation in a particular month. Suppose that the unemployment rate in the previous month was 4 percent. If, during the current month, both the number of people employed and the number of people unemployed increase, the unemployment rate will increase if the increase in the number of people unemployed as a percentage of the increase in the labor force is greater than 4 percent. The unemployment rate will decrease if the increase in the number of people unemployed as a percentage of the increase in the labor force is less than 4 percent.  

Consider a simple numerical example. Suppose that in the previous month there were 96 people employed and 4 people unemployed. In that case, the unemployment rate was (4/(96 + 4)) x 100 = 4.0%. 

Suppose that during the month the number of people employed increases by 30 and the number of people unemployed increases by 1. In that case, there are now 126 people employed and 5 people unemployed. The unemployment rate will have fallen from 4.0% to (5/(126 + 5)) x 100 = 3.8%.

Now suppose that the number of people employed increased by 30 and the number of people unemployed increases by 3. The unemployment will have risen from 4.0% to (7/(126 + 7)) x 100 = 5.3%.

We can conclude that if both the total number of people employed and the total number of people unemployed increase during a during a period of time, it’s possible for the unemployment rate to also increase.

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08-16-25- Podcast – Authors Glenn Hubbard & Tony O’Brien discuss tariffs, Fed independence, & the controversies at the BLS.

In today’s episode, Glenn Hubbard and Tony O’Brien take on three timely topics that are shaping economic conversations across the country. They begin with a discussion on tariffs, exploring how recent trade policies are influencing prices, production decisions, and global relationships. From there, they turn to the independence of the Federal Reserve Bank, explaining why central bank autonomy is essential for sound monetary policy and what risks arise when political pressures creep in. Finally, they shed light on the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), unpacking how its data collection and reporting play a vital role in guiding both public understanding and policymaking.

It’s a lively and informative conversation that brings clarity to complex issues—and it’s perfect for students, instructors, and anyone interested in how economics connects to the real world.

https://on.soundcloud.com/RA09RWn30NyDc8w8Tj

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CPI Inflation Comes in Slightly Below Expectations, Increasing Likelihood of Fed Rate Cuts

Fed Chair Jerome Powell (left) and Vice Chair Philip Jefferson (photo from federalreserve.gov)

Today (August 12), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for July. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.7 percent in July, unchanged from June. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 3.0 percent in July, up slightly from 2.9 percent in June. (Note that there was some inconsistency in how the core inflation rate is reported. The BLS, and some news outlets, give the value as 3.1 percent. The unrounded value is 3.0486 percent.)

Headline inflation and core inflation were slightly lower than what economists surveyed had expected.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) declined from 3.5 percent in June to 2.4 percent in July. Core inflation (the red line) increased from 2.8 percent in June to 3.9 percent in July.

The 1-month and 12-month inflation rates are telling somewhat different stories, with 12-month inflation indicating that inflation is stable, although moderately above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target. The 1-month core inflation rate indicates that inflation may have increased during July. 

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

A key reason for core inflation being significantly higher than headline inflation is that gasoline prices declined by 23.1 percent at an annual rate in June. As shown in the following figure, 1-month inflation in gasoline prices moves erratically—which is the main reason that gasoline prices aren’t included in core inflation.

Does the increase in inflation represent the effects of the increases in tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2? (Note that many of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced) The following figure shows 12-month inflation in three categories of products whose prices are thought to be particularly vulnerable to the effects of tariffs: apparel (the blue line), toys (the red line), and motor vehicles (the green line). To make recent changes clearer, we look only at the months since January 2021. In July, prices of apparel fell, while the prices of toys and motor vehicles rose by less than 1.0 percent.

The following figure shows 1-month inflation in these prices of these products. In July, motor vehicles prices and apparel prices increased by less than 1 percent, while toy prices increased by 1.9 percent after having soared soared by 24.3 percent in June. At least for these three products, it’s difficult to see tariffs as having had a significant effect on inflation in July.

To better estimate the underlying trend in inflation, some economists look at median inflation and trimmed mean inflation.

  • Median inflation is calculated by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland and Ohio State University. If we listed the inflation rate in each individual good or service in the CPI, median inflation is the inflation rate of the good or service that is in the middle of the list—that is, the inflation rate in the price of the good or service that has an equal number of higher and lower inflation rates. 
  • Trimmed-mean inflation drops the 8 percent of goods and services with the highest inflation rates and the 8 percent of goods and services with the lowest inflation rates. 

The following figure shows that 12-month trimmed-mean inflation (the blue line) was 3.2 percent in July, unchanged from June. Twelve-month median inflation (the red line) 3.6 percent in July, unchanged from June.

The following figure shows 1-month trimmed-mean and median inflation. One-month trimmed-mean inflation declined from 3.9 percent in June to 2.9 percent in July. One-month median inflation also declined from 4.1 percent in June to 3.7 percent in July. These data indicate that inflation may have slowed in July (the opposite conclusion we noted earlier when discussing 1-month core inflation), while remaining above the Fed’s 2 percent target.

What are the implications of this CPI report for the actions the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) may take at its next meetings? Even before today’s relatively favorable, if mixed, inflation report, the unexpectedly weak jobs report at the beginning of the month (which we discuss in this blog post) made it likely that the FOMC would soon begin cutting its target for the federal funds rate.

Investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts assign a probability of 94.3 percent to FOMC cutting its target for the federal funds rate at its September 16–17 meeting by 0.25 (25 basis points) from its current target range of 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent. That probability increased from 85.9 percent yesterday. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) Investors assign a probability of 61.5 percent to the FOMC cutting its target again by 25 basis points at its October 28–29 meeting, and a probability of 50.3 percent to a third 25 basis point cut at the committee’s December 9–10 meeting.

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New Census Data Highlights the Aging of the U.S. Population

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In June, the U.S. Census Bureau released its population estimates for 2024. Included was the following graphic showing the change in the U.S. population pyramid from 2004 to 2024. As the graphic shows, people 65 years and older have increased as a fraction of the total population, while children have decreased as a fraction of the total population. (The Census considers everyone 17 and younger to be a child.) Between 2004 and 2024, people 65 and older increased from 12.4 percent of the population to 18.0 percent. People younger than 18 fell from 25.0 percent of the population in 2004 to 21.5 percent in 2024.

The aging of the U.S. population reflects falling birth rates. Demographers and economists typically measure birth rates as the total fertility rate (TFR), which is defined by the World Bank as: “The number of children that would be born to a woman if she were to live to the end of her childbearing years and bear children in accordance with age-specific fertility rates currently observed.” The TFR has the advantage over the simple birth rate—which is the number of live births per thousand people—because the TFR corrects for the age structure of a country’s female population. Leaving aside the effects of immigration and emigration, a TFR of 2.1 is necessary to keep a country’s population stable. Stated another way, a country needs a TFR of 2.1 to achieve replacement level fertility. A country with a TFR above 2.1 experiences long-run population growth, while a country with a TFR of less than 2.1 experiences long-run population decline.

The following figure shows the TFR for the United States for each year between 1960 and 2023. Since 1971, the TFR has been below 2.1 in every year except for 2006 and 2007. Immigration has helped to offset the effects on population growth of a TFR below 2.1.

The United States is not alone in experiencing a sharp decline in its TFR since the 1960s. The following figure shows some other countries that currently have below replacement level fertility, including some countries—such as China, Japan, Korea, and Mexico—in  which TFRs were well above 5 in the 1960s. In fact, only a relatively few countries, such as Israel and some countries in sub-Saharan Africa are still experiencing above replacement level fertility.

An aging population raises the number of retired people relative to the number of workers, making it difficult for governments to finance pensions and health care for older people. We discuss this problem with respect to the U.S. Social Security and Medicare programs in an Apply the Concept in Macroeconomics, Chapter 16 (Economics, Chapter 26 and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 18). Countries experiencing a declining population typically also experience lower rates of economic growth than do countries with growing populations. Finally, as we discuss in an Apply the Concept in Microeconomics, Chapter 3, different generations often differ in the mix of products they buy. For instance, a declining number of children results in declining demand for diapers, strollers, and toys.

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Before There was Inexpensive Computing …

… there were artists in government agencies drawing time series graphs. As we discuss in this recent blog post, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) has been in the news lately—undoubtedly much more than the people who work there would like.

This post is not about the current controversy but steps back to make a bigger point: The availability of data has increased tremendously from the time when Glenn and Tony began their academic careers. In the 1980s, personal computers were becoming widespread, but the internet had not yet developed to the point where government statistics were available to download. To gather data usually required a trip to the university library to make photocopies of tables in the print publications of the BLS and other government agencies. You then had to enter the data by hand into very crude—by current standards—spreadsheet and statistical software. The software generally had limited graphing capabilities.

How were the time series figures in print government publications generated? The two photos shown above (both from the website of the Library of Congress) show that the figures were hand drawn by artists. The upper photo is from 1962 and the lower photo is from 1971.

Today, most government data is readily available online. The FRED (Federal Reserve Economic Data) site, hosted by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis makes available thousands of data series. We make use of these series in the Data Exercises included in the end-of-chapter problems in our textbooks. The FRED site makes it easy (we hope!) to do these exercises, including by combining or otherwise transforming data series and by graphing them—no artistic ability required!

H/T

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Why Were the Data Revisions to Payroll Employment in May and June So Large?

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As we noted in yesterday’s blog post, the latest “Employment Situation” report from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) included very substantial downward revisions of the preliminary estimates of net employment increases for May and June. The previous estimates of net employment increases in these months were reduced by a combined 258,000 jobs. As a result, the BLS now estimates that employment increases for May and June totaled only 33,000, rather than the initially reported 291,000. According to Ernie Tedeschi, director of economics at the Budget Lab at Yale University, apart from April 2020, these were the largest downward revisions since at least 1979.

The size of the revisions combined with the estimate of an unexpectedly low net increase of only 73,000 jobs in June prompted President Donald Trump to take the unprecedented step of firing BLS Commissioner Erika McEntarfer. It’s worth noting that the BLS employment estimates are prepared by professional statisticians and economists and are presented to the commissioner only after they have been finalized. There is no evidence that political bias affects the employment estimates or other economic data prepared by federal statistical agencies.

Why were the revisions to the intial May and June estimates so large? The BLS states in each jobs report that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.” An article in the Wall Street Journal notes that: “Much of the revision to May and June payroll numbers was due to public schools, which employed 109,100 fewer people in June than BLS believed at the time.” The article also quotes Claire Mersol, an economist at the BLS as stating that: “Typically, the monthly revisions have offsetting movements within industries—one goes up, one goes down. In June, most revisions were negative.” In other words, the size of the revisions may have been due to chance.

Is it possible, though, that there was a more systematic error? As a number of people have commented, the initial response rate to the Current Employment Statistics (CES) survey has been declining over time. Can the declining response rate be the cause of larger errors in the preliminary job estimates?

In an article published earlier this year, economists Sylvain Leduc, Luiz Oliveira, and Caroline Paulson of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco assessed this possibility. Figure 1 from their article illustrates the declining response rate by firms to the CES monthly survey. The figure shows that the response rate, which had been about 64 percent during 2013–2015, fell significantly during Covid, and has yet to return to its earlier levels. In March 2025, the response rate was only 42.6 percent.

The authors find, however, that at least through the end of 2024, the falling response rate doesn’t seem to have resulted in larger than normal revisions of the preliminary employment estimates. The following figure shows their calculation of the average monthly revision for each year beginning with 1990. (It’s important to note that they are showing the absolute values of the changes; that is, negative change are shown as positive changes.) Depite lower response rates, the revisions for the years 2022, 2023, and 2024 were close to the average for the earlier period from 1990 to 2019 when response rates to the CES were higher.

The weak employment numbers correspond to the period after the Trump administration announced large tariff increases on April 2. Larger firms tend to respond to the CES in a timely manner, while responses from smaller firms lag. We might expect that smaller firms would have been more likely to hesitate to expand employment following the tariff announcement. In that sense, it may be unsurprising that we have seen downward revisions of the prelimanary employment estimates for May and June as the BLS received more survey responses. In addition, as noted earlier, an overestimate of employment in local public schools alone accounts for about 40 percent of the downward revisions for those months. Finally, to consider another possibility, downward revisions of employment estimates are more likely when the economy is heading into, or has already entered, a recession. The following figure shows the very large revisisons to the establishment survey employment estimates during the 2007–2010 period.

At this point, we don’t fully know the reasons for the downward employment revisions announced yesterday, although it’s fair to say that they may have been politically the most consequential revisions in the history of the establishment survey.

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Weaker Than Expected Jobs Report Shakes Up Investors’ Expectations of FOMC Rate Cuts

This morning (August 1), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for July. The data in the report show that the labor market was weaker than expected in July. There have been many stories in the media about firms becoming cautious in hiring as a result of the Trump administration’s tariff increases. Some large firms—including Microsoft, Walt Disney, Walmart, and Proctor and Gamble—have announced layoffs. In addition, real GDP growth slowed during the first half of the year. Nevertheless, until today it appeared that employment growth remained strong.

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of only 73,000 nonfarm jobs during July. This increase was below the increase of 1115,000 that economists surveyed by Factset had forecast. In addition, the BLS revised downward its previous estimates of employment in May and June by a combined 258,000 jobs. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”) The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years. The figure shows the striking deceleration in job growth during the second quarter of this year.

The unemployment rate increased from 4.1 percent in June to 4.2 percent in July, which is the same rate as economists surveyed had forecast. As the following figure shows, the unemployment rate has been remarkably stable over the past year, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month since May 2024. In June, the members of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) forecast that the unemployment rate for 2025 would average 4.5 percent. The unemployment rate would have to rise significantly in the second half of the year for that forecast to be accurate.

Each month, the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta estimates how many net new jobs are required to keep the unemployment rate stable. Given a slowing in the growth of the working-age population due to the aging of the U.S. population and a sharp decline in immigration, the Atlanta Fed currently estimates that the economy would have to create 111,573 net new jobs each month to keep the unemployment rate stable at 4.2 percent. If this estimate is accurate, continuing monthly net job increases of 73,000 would result in a slowly rising unemployment rate.

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net decrease of 260,000 jobs in July, following an increase of 93,000 jobs in June. As an indication of the volatility in the employment changes in the household survey note the very large swings in net new jobs in January and February. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent with employment increasing in one survey while falling in the other, which was the case this month. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator: the employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those aged 25 to 54. In July the ratio declined to 80.4 percent from 80.7 percent in June. The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is still above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to November 2019. Further declines in the prime-age employment-population ratio would be a strong indication of a softening labor market.

It is still unclear how many federal workers have been laid off since the Trump Administration took office. The establishment survey shows a decline in federal government employment of 12,000 in June and a total decline of 84,000 since the beginning of February 2025. However, the BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.” It’s possible that as more federal employees end their period of receiving severance pay, future jobs reports may report a larger decline in federal employment. To this point, the decline in federal employment has been too small to have a significant effect on the overall labor market.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.9 percent in July, up from an increase of 3.8 percent in June.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In July, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 4.0 percent, up from 3.0 percent in June. If the July rate of wage inflation is sustained, it would complicate the Fed’s task of achieving its 2 percent target rate of price inflation. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

What effect might today’s jobs report have on the decisions of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) with respect to setting its target for the federal funds rate? One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) Yesterday, as we noted in a blog post, investors assigned a 60.8 percent probability to the committee keeping its target unchanged at 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent at its September 16–17 meeting. As the following figure shows, there has been a sharp change in investors’ expectations. As of this morning, investors are assigning a 78.9 percent probability to the committee cutting its target by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) to a range of 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent.

There is a similarly dramatic change in investors’ expectations of the target range for the federal funds rate following the FOMC’s October 28–29 meeting. As the following figure shows, investors now assign a probability of 57.3 percent to the committee lowering its target range to 3.75 percent to 4.00 percent at that meeting. Yesterday, investors assigned a probability of only 13.7 percent to that outcome.

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PCE Inflation Comes in Higher Than Expected

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Yesterday, in this blog post, we discussed the quarterly data on inflation as measured by changes in the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index. Today (July 31), the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released monthly data on the PCE price index as part of its “Personal Income and Outlays” report. The Fed relies on annual changes in the PCE price index to evaluate whether it’s meeting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—for the period since January 2017, with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same month in the previous year. In June, headline PCE inflation was 2.6 percent, up from 2.4 percent in May. Core PCE inflation in June was 2.8 percent, unchanged from May. Headline PCE inflation was higher than the forecast of economists surveyed, while core PCE inflation was the same as forecast.

The following figure shows headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month inflation, while this figure shows 1-month inflation.) Measured this way, headline PCE inflation jumped from 2.0 percent in May to 3.4 percent in June. Core PCE inflation increased from 2.6 percent in May to 3.1 percent in June. So, both 1-month PCE inflation estimates are well above the Fed’s 2 percent target. The usual caution applies that 1-month inflation figures are volatile (as can be seen in the figure), so we shouldn’t attempt to draw wider conclusions from one month’s data. In addition, these data likely don’t capture fully the higher prices likely to result from the tariff increases the Trump administration has implemented, including those in trade agreements that have only been announced in the past few days.

Fed Chair Jerome Powell has frequently noted that inflation in non-market services can skew PCE inflation. Non-market services are services whose prices the BEA imputes rather than measures directly. For instance, the BEA assumes that prices of financial services—such as brokerage fees—vary with the prices of financial assets. So that if stock prices fall, the prices of financial services included in the PCE price index also fall. Powell has argued that these imputed prices “don’t really tell us much about … tightness in the economy. They don’t really reflect that.” The following figure shows 12-month headline inflation (the blue line) and 12-month core inflation (the red line) for market-based PCE. (The BEA explains the market-based PCE measure here.)

Headline market-based PCE inflation was 2.3 percent in June, up from 2.1 percent in May. Core market-based PCE inflation was 2.6 percent in June, up from 2.4 percent in May. So, both market-based measures show similar rates of inflation in June as the total measures do. In the following figure, we look at 1-month inflation using these measures. The 1-month inflation rates are both higher than the 12-month rates. One-month headline market-based inflation soared to 3.9 percent in June from 1.6 percent in May. One-month core market-based inflation also increased sharply to 3.6 percent in June from 2.2 percent in May. As the figure shows, the 1-month inflation rates are more volatile than the 12-month rates, which is why the Fed relies on the 12-month rates when gauging how close it is coming to hitting its target inflation rate. Still, looking at 1-month inflation gives us a better look at current trends in inflation, which these data indicate is rising significantly.

Is the increase in inflation attributable to the effects of tariffs? At this point, it’s too early to tell, particularly since, as noted earlier, all tariff increases have not yet been implemented. We can note, though, that the effect of tariffs are typically seen in goods prices, rather than in service prices because tariffs are levied primarily on imports of goods. As the following figure shows, one-month inflation in goods prices jumped from 0.9 percent in May to 4.8 percent in June, while one-month inflation in services prices increased only from 2.5 percent in May to 2.8 percent in June.

Finally, we noted in a blog post yesterday that investors trading federal funds rate futures assigned a 55.0 percent probability to the Federal Open Market Committee leaving its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at its meeting on September 16–17. With today’s PCE report showing higher than expected inflation, that probability has increased to 60.8 percent.

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The FOMC Leaves Its Target for the Federal Funds Rate Unchanged; Two B of G Members Dissent

Photo of President Trump and Fed Chair Powell from Reuters via the Wall Street Journal

Today’s meeting of the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) occurred against a backdrop of President Trump pressuring the committee to reduce its target for the federal funds rate and two members of the Board of Governors signalling that they were likely to dissent if the committee voted to hold its target constant.

Last week President Trump made an unusual visit to the Fed’s headquarters in Washington, DC to discuss what he had said was the Fed’s excessive spending on renovating three buildings. As we discuss in this blog post, the Supreme Court is unlikely to allow a president to remove a Fed chair because of disagreements over monetary policy. A president would likely be allowed to remove a Fed chair “for cause.” Some members of the Trump administration have argued that excessive spending on renovating buildings might be sufficient cause for the president to remove Fed Chair Jerome Powell. President Trump has indicated that, in fact, he doesn’t intend to replace Powell before his term as chair ends in May 2026, but President Trump still urged Powell to make substantial cuts in the federal funds rate target.

As most observers had expected, the committee decided today to keep its target range for the federal funds rate unchanged at 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent. Board of Governors members Michelle Bowman and Christopher Waller dissented, preferring “to lower the target range for the federal funds rate by 1/4 percentage point at this meeting.” It was the first time since 1993 that two members of the Board of Governors have voted against an FOMC decision.

The following figure shows, for the period since January 2010, the upper bound (the blue line) and lower bound (the green line) for the FOMC’s target range for the federal funds rate and the actual values of the federal funds rate (the red line) during that time. Note that the Fed has been successful in keeping the value of the federal funds rate in its target range. (We discuss the monetary policy tools the FOMC uses to maintain the federal funds rate in its target range in Macroeconomics, Chapter 15, Section 15.2 (Economics, Chapter 25, Section 25.2).)

In his press conference following the meeting, Chair Powell indicated that a majority of the committee believed that: “Inflation is above target, maximum employment is at target, so policy should be slightly restrictive.” Policy is restrictive in the sense that the current range for the federal funds rate is higher than the long-run equilibrium rate. Powell noted that: “There are many uncertainties left to resolve. There is much more to come looking ahead.” Jn particular, with respect to the effect of tariffs, he stated that it’s “still quite early days …. [We’ve] seen substantial increases in tariff revenue collections … [but we] have to see how much of tariffs are passed through to consumers. A long way to go to know what has happened.”

One reason that President Trump has urged the FOMC to lower its target for the federal funds rate is that lower interest rates will reduce the amount the federal government has to pay on the $25 trillion in U.S. Treasury debt owned by private investors. At his press conference, Chair Powell was asked whether the committee discussed interest payments on the national debt during its deliberations. He responded that the committee considers only the dual mandate of price stability and maximum employment given to the Fed by Congress. Therefore, “We don’t consider the fiscal needs of the federal government.”

The FOMC’s next meeting is on September 16–17. Powell noted that before that meeting, the committee will have seen two more employment reports and two more inflation reports. The data in those reports may clarify the state of the economy. There has been a general expectation that the committee would cut its target for the federal funds rate at that meting

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) The data from the futures market indicate that one month ago investors assigned a 75.4 percent probability to the committee cutting its target range by 0.25 percentage point (25 basis points) to 4.00 percent to 4.25 percent at the September meeting. Today, however, sentiment has changed, perhaps because investors now believe that inflation in coming months will be higher than they had previously expected. As the following figure shows, investors now assign a 55.0 percent probability to the committee leaving its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at that meeting and only a 45 percent probability of the committee cutting its target range by 25 basis points.

 

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Real GDP Growth in the Second Quarter Comes in Higher than Expected

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This morning (July 30), the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) released its advance estimate of real GDP for the first quarter of 2025. (The report can be found here.) The BEA estimates that real GDP increased by 3.0 percent, measured at an annual rate, in the second quarter—April through June. Economists surveyed had expected a 2.4 percent increase. Real GDP declined by an estimated 0.5 percent in the first quarter of 2025, so the increase in the second quarter represents a strong rebound in economic growth. The following figure shows the estimated rates of GDP growth in each quarter beginning with the first quarter of 2021.

As the following figure—taken from the BEA report—shows, the decrease in imports in the second quarter was the most important factor contributing to the increase in real GDP. During the first quarter, imports had soared as businesses tried to stay ahead of what were expected to be large tariff increases implement by the Trump Administration. Consumption spending increased in the second quarter, while investment spending and exports decreased.

It’s notable that real private inventories declined by $29.6 billion in the second quarter after having increased by $2070 billion in the first quarter. Again, it’s likely that the large swings in inventories represented firms stockpiling goods in the first quarter in anticipation of the tariff increases and then drawing down those stockpiles in the second quarter.

One way to strip out the effects of imports, inventory investment, and government purchases—which can also be volatile—is to look at real final sales to domestic purchasers, which includes only spending by U.S. households and firms on domestic production. As the following figure shows, real final sales to domestic purchasers increased by 1.2 percent in the second quarter of 2025, which was a decrease from the 1.9 percent increase in the first quarter. The large difference between the change in real GDP and the change in real final sales to domestic purchasers is an indication of how strongly the data on national income in the first two quarters of 2025 were affected by businesses anticipating tariff increases. Compared with data on real GDP, data on real final sales to domestic purchasers shows the economy doing significantly better in the first quarter and significantly worse in the second quarter.

The BEA report this morning included quarterly data on the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index. The Fed relies on annual changes in the PCE price index to evaluate whether it’s meeting its 2 percent annual inflation target. The following figure shows headline PCE inflation (the blue line) and core PCE inflation (the red line)—which excludes energy and food prices—for the period since the first quarter of 2018, with inflation measured as the percentage change in the PCE from the same quarter in the previous year. In the second quarter, headline PCE inflation was 2.4 percent, down slightly from 2.5 percent in the first quarter. Core PCE inflation in the second quarter was 2.7 percent, down from 2.8 percent in the first quarter. Both headline PCE inflation and core PCE inflation remained above the Fed’s 2 percent annual inflation target.

The following figure shows quarterly PCE inflation and quarterly core PCE inflation calculated by compounding the current quarter’s rate over an entire year. Measured this way, headline PCE inflation decreased from 3.7 percent in the first quarter of 2025 to 2.1 percent in the second quarter. Core PCE inflation decreased from 3.5 percent in the first quarter of 2025 to 2.5 percent in the secondt quarter. Measured this way, headline PCE inflation in the second quarter was close to the Fed’s target, while core PCE was well above the target. As we discuss in this blog post, tariff increases result in an aggregate supply shock to the economy. As a result, we may see a significant increase in inflation in the coming months as the higher tariff rates that have been negotiated recently begin to be implemented.

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Solved Problem: Why Do U.S. Airlines Charge Solo Travelers Higher Ticket Prices?

Supports: Microeconomics and Economics, Chapter 15, Section 15.5, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 10, Section 10.5

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According to a recent article in the Economist, some U.S. airlines have “started charging higher per-person fares for single-passenger bookings than for identical itineraries with two people.” However, the difference in fares held only for round-trip tickets that included a weekday return flight. For round-trip tickets with a return flight on Saturday, the per-ticket price was the same whether booking for two people or for one person. Briefly explain why an airline might expect to increase its profit using this pricing strategy.

Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about firms using price discrimination, so you may want to review Chapter 15, Sections 15.5 

Step 2: Answer the question by explaining why an airline might expect to increase its profit by charging people traveling alone a higher ticket price than the price it charges per ticket to two people traveling together. The airline is attempting to increase its profit by using price discrimination. Price discrimination involves charging different prices to different customers for the same good or service when the price difference isn’t due to differences in cost. Firms who able to price discriminate increase their profits by doing so.

In Chapter 15, Section 15.5, we call the airlines the “kings of price discrimination” because they often charge many different prices for tickets on the same flight. One key way that airlines practice price discrimination is by charging higher prices to business travelers—who are likely to have a lower price elasticity of demand—than to leisure travelers—who are likely to have a higher price elasticity of demand. To employ this strategy, airlines have to successfully identify which flyers are business travelers. Someone flying alone is more likely than someone flying in a group of two or more people to be a business traveler. In addition, business travelers often attempt to complete their trips before the weekend. Therefore, people returning from a trip on a Saturday or Sunday are more likely to be leisure travelers.

We can conclude that an airline can expect to increase its profit using the pricing strategy discussed in the Economist article because the strategy helps the airline to better identify business travelers.

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How Well Are Recent College Graduates Doing in the Labor Market?

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A number of news stories have highlighted the struggles some recent college graduates have had in finding a job. A report earlier this year by economists Jaison Abel and Richard Deitz at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York noted that: “The labor market for recent college graduates deteriorated noticeably in the first quarter of 2025. The unemployment rate jumped to 5.8 percent—the highest reading since 2021—and the underemployment rate rose sharply to 41.2 percent.”  The authors define “underemployment” as “A college graduate working in a job that typically does not require a college degree is considered underemployed.”

The following figure shows data on the unemployment rate for people ages 20 to 24 years (red line) with a bachelor’s degree, the unemployment rate for people ages 25 to 34 years (blue line) with a bachelor’s degree, and the unemployment rate for the whole population (green line) whatever their age and level of education. (Note that the values for college graduates are for those people who have a bachelor’s degree but no advanced degree, such as a Ph.D. or an M.D.)

The figure shows that unemployment rates are more volatile for both categories of college graduates than the unemployment rate for the population as a whole. The same is true for the unemployment rates for nearly any sub-category of the unemployed lagely because the number of people included the sub-categories in the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) household survey is much smaller than for the population as a whole. The figure shows that, over time, the unemployment rates for the youngest college graduates is nearly always above the unemployment rate for the population as a whole, while the unemployment rate for college graduates 25 to 34 years old is nearly always below the unemployment rate for the population as a whole. In June of this year, the unemployment rate for the population as a whole was 4.1 percent, while the unemployment for the youngest college graduates was 7.3 percent.

Why is the unemployment rate for the youngest college graduates so high? An article in the Wall Street Journal offers one explanation: “The culprit, economists say, is a general slowdown in hiring. That hasn’t really hurt people who already have jobs, because layoffs, too, have remained low, but it has made it much harder for people who don’t have work to find employment.” The following figure shows that the hiring rate—defined as the number of hires during a month divided by total employment in that month—has been falling. The hiring rate in June was 3.4 per cent, which—apart from two months at the beginning of the Covid pandemic—is the lowest rate since February 2014.

Abel and Deitz, of the New York Fed, have calculated the underemployment for new college graduates and for all college graduates. These data are shown in the following figure from the New York Fed site. The definitions used are somewhat different from the ones in the earlier figures. The definition of college graduates includes people who have advanced degrees and the definition of young college graduates includes people aged 22 years to 27 years. The data are three-month moving averages.

The data show that the underemployment rate for both recent graduates and all graduates are relatively high for the whole period shown. Typically, more than 30 percent of all college graduates and more than 40 percent of recent college graduates work in jobs in which more than 50 percent of employees don’t have college degrees. The latest underemployment rate for recent graduates is the highest since March 2022. It’s lower, though, than the rate for most of the period between the Great Recession of 2007–2009 and the Covid recession of 2020.

In a recent article, John Burn-Murdoch, a data journalist for the Financial Times, has made the point that the high unemployment rates of recent college graduates are concentrated among males. As the following figure shows, in recent months, unemployment rates among male college graduates 20 to 24 years old have been significantly higher than the unemployment rates among female college graduates. In June 2025, the unemployment rate for male recent college graduates was 9.8 percent, well above the 5.4 percent unemployment for female recent college graduates.

What explains the rise in male unemployment relative to female unemployment? Burn-Murdoch notes that, contrary to some media reports, the answer doesn’t seem to be that AI has resulted in a contraction in entry-level software coding jobs that have traditionally been held disproportionately by males. He presents data showing that “early-career coding employment is now tracking ahead of the [U.S.] economy.”

Instead he believes that the key is the continuing strong growth in healthcare jobs, which have traditionally been held disproportionately by females. The availability of these jobs has allowed women to fare better than men in an economy in which hiring rates have been relatively low.

Like most short-run trends, it’s possible that the relatively high unemployment rates experienced by recent college graduates may not continue in the long run.

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Solved Problem: Rent Control in Holland

Supports: Microeconomics, Macroeconomics, Economics, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 4, Section 4.3

Image generated by ChatGTP-40 of a street in a Dutch city.

An article on bloomberg.com has the headline “How Rent Controls Are Deepening the Dutch Housing Crisis.” The article’s subheadline states that: “A law designed to make homes more affordable ended up aggravating an apartment shortage.” According to the article, the Dutch government passed a law that increased the number of apartments subject to rent control from 80% of all apartments to 96%.

  1. Why might the Dutch government have seen expanding rent control as a way to make apartments more affordable? 
  2. Why might the law have aggravated the shortage of apartments in Holland?

Solving the Problem
Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about the effects of rent control, so you may want to review Chapter 4, Section 4.3, “Government Intervention in the Market: Price Floors and Price Ceilings.”

Step 2: Answer part a. by explaining why the Dutch government may have seen expanding rent control as a way to make apartments more affordable. Figure 4.10 from the textbook shows the effects of rent control. In the example illustrated in the figure, after the government imposes rent control, the 1,900,000 people who are still able to rent an apartment pay $1,500 per month rather than $2,500 per month. For these people, rent control has made apartments more affordable.

Step 3: Answer part b. by explaining why rent control laws can make an apartment shortage worse. As Figure 4.10 shows, rent control laws impose a price ceiling below the equilibrium market rent. The result is that the quantity of apartments supplied is less than the quantity of apartments demanded, causing a shortage of apartments. In the case of the Dutch law discussed in the article, existing rent controls were expanded to cover more apartments, forcing the rents charged by landlords for these apartments to fall below what had been the equilibrium market rent, thereby adding to the shortage of apartments in Holland.

Extra credit: The article notes that as a result of the law, some owners of apartments that had previously not been subject to rent control had decided to sell their apartments, taking them off the rental market. That result is common when governments impose rent control or expand the scope of an existing rent control law. One important aspect of rent control is that a shortage of apartments gives landlords a greater opportunity to pick and choose the tenants they prefer. The article notes that a provision of the new law requires that rental contracts be open-ended, rather than for only one or two years, as is more common. As a result, landlords have more difficulty evicting tenants who might be noisy or causing other problems. The law thereby gives landlords an incentive to rent to foreign tenants who would be more likely to give up their apartments voluntarily after a year or two. The result is even fewer apartments available for Dutch residents to rent.

A recent article on bloomberg.com notes that the negative consequences of the law expanding rent control has led the Dutch government to propose modifying the law to allow landlords to charge higher rents on at least some apartments. If passed by the Dutch parliment, the changes would go into effect January 1, 2026.

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Solved Problem: Do Some Cable Companies Engage in Price Discrimination?

Supports: Microeconomics and Economics, Chapter 15, Section 15.5, and Essentials of Economics, Chapter 10, Section 10.5

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A national provider of cable television and internet service has been frequently criticized by customers on social media for using the following business strategy: The company raises its prices every six to nine months. Any subscriber who calls to complain is offered a discount off of the price increase. Analyze how this strategy can be profit mazimizing for the company.

Step 1: Review the chapter material. This problem is about firms using price discrimination, so you may want to review Chapter 15, Sections 15.5 

Step 2: Answer the question by explaining how the cable company is using price discrimination to increase its profit. Price discrimination involves charging different prices to different customers for the same good or service when the price difference isn’t due to differences in cost. Firms who able to price discriminate increase their profits by doing so.

We’ve seen that there are three requirements for a firm to practice price discrimination: 1) The firm must possess market power, 2) some of the firm’s customers much have a greater willingness to pay for the product than do other customers, and 3) the firm must be able to segment the market to keep customers who buy the product at the low price from reselling it. Cable companies can meet all three requirements. Cable firms possess market power—they  aren’t perfect competitors. Some customers have a higher willingness than other customers to pay for cable service. In fact, many people have become cable cutters and prefer to stream content rather than watch programs on cable. Finally, someone who receives a lower-priced cable subscription can’t resell it.

To increase profit by price discrimination, a firm needs to charger a higher price to customers with a lower price elasticity of demand, and a lower price to customers with a higher price elasticity of demand. People who call up to complain about an increase in the price of a cable subscription are likely to be more price sensitive—and, therefore, more likely to switch to a competing cable company or to cut the cable and switch to streaming—than are people who don’t complain about the increase in the price of a subscription. In other words, the complainers have a higher price elasticity of demand than do the non-complainers and receive a lower price. We can conclude that this business strategy is an example of price discrimination and will increase the profit of the cable company that uses it.

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Effect of Tariffs May Have Pushed Up CPI Inflation in June

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Today (July 15), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its report on the consumer price index (CPI) for June. The following figure compares headline CPI inflation (the blue line) and core CPI inflation (the red line).

  • The headline inflation rate, which is measured by the percentage change in the CPI from the same month in the previous year, was 2.7 percent in June—up from 2.4 percent in May. 
  • The core inflation rate, which excludes the prices of food and energy, was 2.9 percent in June—up slightly from 2.8 percent in May. 

Headline inflation was slightly higher and core inflation was slightly lower than what economists surveyed had expected.

In the following figure, we look at the 1-month inflation rate for headline and core inflation—that is the annual inflation rate calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. Calculated as the 1-month inflation rate, headline inflation (the blue line) surged from 1.0 percent in May to 3.5 percent in June. Core inflation (the red line) also increased sharply from 1.6 percent in May to 2.8 percent in June.

The 1-month and 12-month inflation rates are telling different stories, with 12-month inflation indicating that the rate of price increase is running moderately above the Fed’s 2 percent inflation target. The 1-month inflation rate indicates more clearly that inflation increased significantly during June. 

Of course, it’s important not to overinterpret the data from a single month. The figure shows that the 1-month inflation rate is particularly volatile. Also note that the Fed uses the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) price index, rather than the CPI, to evaluate whether it is hitting its 2 percent annual inflation target.

Does the increase in inflation represent the effects of the increases in tariffs that the Trump administration announced on April 2? (Note that some of the tariff increases announced on April 2 have since been reduced) The following figure shows 12-month inflation in three categories of products whose prices are thought to be particularly vulnerable to the effects of tariffs: apparel (the blue line), toys (the red line), and motor vehicles (the green line). To make recent changes clearer, we look only at the months since January 2021. In June, prices of apparel fell, while the prices of toys and motor vehicles rose by less than 1.0 percent.

The following figure shows 1-month inflation in these prices of these products. In June, the motor vehicles prices fell, while apparel prices increased 5.3 percent and the prices of toys soared by 24.3 percent, which was the second month in a row of very large increases in toy prices.

The 1-month inflation data for these three products are a mixed bag with two of the products showing significant increases and one showing a decline. It’s likely that some of the effects of the tariffs are still being cushioned by firms increasing their inventories earlier in the year in anticipation of price increases resulting from the tariffs. As firms draw down their inventories, we may see tariff-related increases in the prices of more goods later in the year.

To better estimate the underlying trend in inflation, some economists look at median inflation and trimmed mean inflation.

  • Median inflation is calculated by economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland and Ohio State University. If we listed the inflation rate in each individual good or service in the CPI, median inflation is the inflation rate of the good or service that is in the middle of the list—that is, the inflation rate in the price of the good or service that has an equal number of higher and lower inflation rates. 
  • Trimmed-mean inflation drops the 8 percent of goods and services with the highest inflation rates and the 8 percent of goods and services with the lowest inflation rates. 

The following figure shows that 12-month trimmed-mean inflation (the blue line) was 3.2 percent in June, up from 3.0 percent in May. Twelve-month median inflation (the red line) 3.6 percent in June, up from 3.5 percent in May.

The following figure shows 1-month trimmed-mean and median inflation. One-month trimmed-mean inflation rose sharply from 2.2 percent in May to 3.9 percent in June. One-month median inflation also rose sharply from 2.7 percent in May to 4.1 percent in June. These data provide some confirmation that inflation likely rose from May to June.

What are the implications of this CPI report for the actions the Federal Reserve’s policymaking Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) may take at its next meetings? Investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts still expect that the FOMC will leave its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at its July 29–30 meeting before cutting its target by 0.25 (25 basis points) from its current target range of 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent at its September 16–17 meeting. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) The FOMC’s actions will likely depend in part on the effect of the tariff increases on the inflation rate during the coming months. If inflation were to increase significantly, it’s possible that the committee would decide to raise, rather than lower, its target range.

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Data on the Economics Major

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How does the number of people who majored in economics in college compare with the number of people who pursued other majors? How do the earnings of economics majors compare with the earnings of other majors? Recent data released by the Census Bureau provides some interesting answers to these and other questions about the economics major.

Each year the Census Bureau conducts the American Community Survey (ACS) by mailing a questionnaire to about 3.5 million households. The questionnaire contains 100 questions that ask about, among other things, the race, sex, age, educational attainment, employment, earnings, and health status of each person in the household.  Responses are collected online, by mail, by telephone, or by a personal visit from a census employee.

Although the Census Bureau releases some data about 1 year after the data is collected, it typically takes longer to publish detailed studies of specific topics. The ACS report on Field of Bachelor’s Degree in the United States: 2022 was released this month, although it’s based on data collected during 2022. Anyone interested in the subject will find the whole report to be worthwhile reading, but we can summarize a few of the results.

According to the census, in 2022, there were 81.9 million people in the United States aged 25 and older who had graduated from college with a bachelor’s degree. The report includes economics, along with several other social sciences—psychology, political science, and sociology—in the category of “Engineering and Science Degrees.” The following figure shows the leading majors in this category ranked by the percentage of all holders of a bachelor’s degree. (Sociology is included for comparison with the other three social sciences listed.) Psychology has the largest share of majors at 4.6 percent. Economics accounts for 2.0 percent of majors.

We can conclude that among social science majors, economics is less than half as popular as psychology, slightly less popular than political science, and significantly more popular than sociology.

Economics departments are sometimes located in undergraduate business colleges. The following figure compares economics to other majors listed in the “Business Degrees” category of the report. At nearly 6 percent of all majors, “business management and administration” is the most popular of business majors, followed by general business and accounting. “Other business,” marketing, finance, and economics are all about equally popular with around 2 percent of all majors.

The figure below shows the median annual earnings for people aged 25 years to 64 years—prime-age workers—who majored in each of fields used in the first figure above, as well as for all holders of a bachelor’s degree. People who majored in economics earn significantly more than people who majored in the other social sciences listed and 35 percent more than people in all majors.

 The next figure shows median annual earnings for economics majors compared with majors in other business fields. Perhaps surprisingly—although not to people who know the many benefits from majoring in economics!—economics majors earn more on average than do majors in other business fields.

The following figure shows how many people with bacherlor’s degrees in economics majors fall into each age group. People aged 25 years to 34 years make up 22 percent of all economics majors, the most of any of the age groups. This result indicates that the economics major has gained in popularity (although note that the age groups don’t have equal numbers of people in them).

Finally, we can look at the demographic characteristics of economics majors. The next figure shows the percentage of degree holders in some popular majors who are women. Although women hold 53 percent of all bachelor’s degrees, they hold only 33 percent of bachelor’s degrees in economics. The share for economics is lower than for the other social sciences shown, the same as for finance majors, and more than for computer science and mechanical engineering majors.

The next figure shows bachelor’s degrees in economics by race and Hispanic origin. Non-Hispanic whites and non-Hispanic Asians are overrepresented among economics majors compared with the percentages they make up of all bachelor’s degree holders. Non-Hispanic Blacks and Hispanics are underrepresented among economics majors compared with the percentages they make up of all bachelor’s degree holders. People who are multiracial or of another race hold the same percentage of economics degrees as of degrees in other subjects.

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Surprisingly Strong Jobs Report

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This morning (July 3), the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) released its “Employment Situation” report (often called the “jobs report”) for June. The data in the report show that the labor market was stronger than expected in June. There have been many stories in the media about businesspeople becoming pessimistic as a result of the large tariff increases the Trump Administration announced on April 2—some of which have since been reduced—and some large firms—including Microsoft and Walt Disney—have announced layoffs. In addition, yesterday payroll processing firm ADP estimated that private sector employment had declined by 33,000 in June. But despite these signs of weakness in the labor market, as the headline in the Wall Street Journal put it “Hiring Defied Expectations in June.”

The jobs report has two estimates of the change in employment during the month: one estimate from the establishment survey, often referred to as the payroll survey, and one from the household survey. As we discuss in Macroeconomics, Chapter 9, Section 9.1 (Economics, Chapter 19, Section 19.1), many economists and Federal Reserve policymakers believe that employment data from the establishment survey provide a more accurate indicator of the state of the labor market than do the household survey’s employment data and unemployment data. (The groups included in the employment estimates from the two surveys are somewhat different, as we discuss in this post.)

According to the establishment survey, there was a net increase of 147,000 nonfarm jobs during June. This increase was above the increase of 1115,000 that economists surveyed had forecast. In addition, the BLS revised upward its previous estimates of employment in April and May by a combined 16,000 jobs. (The BLS notes that: “Monthly revisions result from additional reports received from businesses and government agencies since the last published estimates and from the recalculation of seasonal factors.”) The following figure from the jobs report shows the net change in nonfarm payroll employment for each month in the last two years.

The unemployment rate declined from 4.2 in May to 4.1 percent in June. Economists surveyed had forecast an increase in the unemployment rate to 4.3 percent. As the following figure shows, the unemployment rate has been remarkably stable over the past year, staying between 4.0 percent and 4.2 percent in each month since May 2024. In June, the members of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) forecast that the unemployment rate for 2025 would average 4.5 percent. The unemployment rate would have to rise significantly in the second half of the year for that forecast to be accurate.

Each month, the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta estimates how many net new jobs are required to keep the unemployment rate stable. Given a slowing in the growth of the working-age population due the aging of the U.S. population and a sharp decline in immigration, the Atlanta Fed currently estimates that the economy would have to create 113,500 net new jobs each month to keep the unemployment rate stable at 4.1 percent.

As the following figure shows, the monthly net change in jobs from the household survey moves much more erratically than does the net change in jobs from the establishment survey. As measured by the household survey, there was a net increase of 93,000 jobs in June, following a decrease of 696,000 jobs in May. As an indication of the volatility in the employment changes in the household survey note the very large swings in net new jobs in January and February. In any particular month, the story told by the two surveys can be inconsistent with employment increasing in one survey while falling in the other. This month, the two surveys were consistent in both showing a net increase in employment. (In this blog post, we discuss the differences between the employment estimates in the two surveys.)

The household survey has another important labor market indicator. The employment-population ratio for prime age workers—those aged 25 to 54—rose from 80.5 percent in May to 80.7 percent in June. The prime-age employment-population ratio is somewhat below the high of 80.9 percent in mid-2024, but is above what the ratio was in any month during the period from January 2008 to January 2020.

It is still unclear how many federal workers have been laid off since the Trump Administration took office. The establishment survey shows a decline in total federal government employment of 7,000 in June and a total decline of 69,000 since the beginning of February. However, the BLS notes that: “Employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance pay are counted as employed in the establishment survey.” It’s possible that as more federal employees end their period of receiving severance pay, future jobs reports may report a larger decline in federal employment. To this point, the decline in federal employment has been too small to have a significant effect on the overall labor market.

The establishment survey also includes data on average hourly earnings (AHE). As we noted in this post, many economists and policymakers believe the employment cost index (ECI) is a better measure of wage pressures in the economy than is the AHE. The AHE does have the important advantage of being available monthly, whereas the ECI is only available quarterly. The following figure shows the percentage change in the AHE from the same month in the previous year. The AHE increased 3.7 percent in June, down from an increase of 3.8 percent in May.

The following figure shows wage inflation calculated by compounding the current month’s rate over an entire year. (The figure above shows what is sometimes called 12-month wage inflation, whereas this figure shows 1-month wage inflation.) One-month wage inflation is much more volatile than 12-month wage inflation—note the very large swings in 1-month wage inflation in April and May 2020 during the business closures caused by the Covid pandemic. In June, the 1-month rate of wage inflation was 2.7 percent, down significantly from 4.8 percent in May. If the 1-month increase in AHE is sustained, it would indicate that the Fed may have an easier time achieving its 2 percent target rate of price inflation. But one month’s data from such a volatile series may not accurately reflect longer-run trends in wage inflation.

Before today’s jobs reports the signs that the labor market was weakening, which we discussed earlier, had led some economists and policymakers to speculate that a weak jobs report would lead the FOMC to cut its target range for the federal funds rate at its next meeting on July 29–30. That now seems very unlikely.

One indication of expectations of future changes in the FOMC’s target for the federal funds rate comes from investors who buy and sell federal funds futures contracts. (We discuss the futures market for federal funds in this blog post.) As shown in the following figure, today investors assign a 95.3 percent probability to the committee keeping its target unchanged at 4.25 percent to 4.50 percent at the July meeting.